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Pues la verdad es que la pregunta tiene su miga. Claro que el supuesto quebrado se propone militarizar el Pacífico. Vamos, no lo digo yo, ya os he dado los links correspondientes. Se habla hasta de una OTAN para ese espacio geoestratégico. Leed, leed. De todas maneras supongo que la proximidad de la crisis pone de los nervios al hegemón y veremos si antes de quebrar o para no quebrar tenemos incidente polaco. Lo que remite a la primera línea de mi este post.
Quebrados van camino. Milicia, la primera y con diferencia. La tentación de usar esos medios para seguir siendo hegemónicos será grande. Recordemos a Krugman. Lo único que puede salvarnos es una guerra con los marcianos. En cuanto a Rusia jugará la Realpolitik. Es tema de war games. Pero Rusia ya ha ofrecido a China todo el petróleo que necesite y lo pagará en remimbis. Sinceramente no lo sé. Como digo habría que montar unos war games.
Veamos... esto es un mero ejercicio intelectual. Muy feo, por cierto, lo se. En ningun momento expresa mis deseos (Más bien al contrario), pero en respuesta a la pregunta de Decreasing, creo que es interesante.Si estallara ahora un conflicto global multifocal, ¿Cuales serían los principales focos?China-JapónIsrael-IranIndia-Pakistan (Ojito con este)España-Marruecos (Que estan volviendo con el Perejil, señores...) http://latino.foxnews.com/latino/politics/2012/09/16/moroccan-nationalists-claim-occupation-spanish-islet/Corea vs Corea.Ahora, sumenle las Alianzas:China con India y Corea del Norte.USA con Japón, Israel, Pakista, Marruecos y Corea del Sur.EU con España, menos Francia, torpedeando.Rusia con China, Corea del norte, España, India y Corea del Norte.Lo que nos sale:Eje Francoalemán de la EU dividido. A menos que se haga algo rápidamente, EU más perdida que un pulpo en un garaje. No tan malo como lo de Chamberlain, pero...España de bruces en Rusia, como principal aliado (Tócate los cojones). En contra de USA (Que es claramente Marruecos) y mediando con Francia. China en contra de USA, aliada con Rusia, templada con EU.Es un mero ejercicio, rápidamente, que tengo que irme a comer. Si alguien puede completarlo un poco (es una chapuza rápida) se agradece infinitamente.
Es lo que tiene un mundo multipolar. Aunque será "curioso" ver a los profetas del mesianismo globalizador (tanto socialdemócratas como "neoliberales") dirigir este nuevo orden. Algunos echarán de menos la Guerra Fría y la guerra estratégica a modo de ajedrez entre USA y la URSS porque el nacionalismo suele ser mucho más sangriento. Y sobre todo mucho más irracional e imprevisible.
No discuto lo posteado, sólo me pregunto por la posición de Japón, si el país al que ha externalizado su seguridad (EEUU) está como está.
Ahora, sumenle las Alianzas:China con India y Corea del Norte.USA con Japón, Israel, Pakista, Marruecos y Corea del Sur.EU con España, menos Francia, torpedeando.Rusia con China, Corea del norte, España, India y Corea del Norte.
If You Want to Help the Poor and the Middle Class, Encourage Deflation If we step out of the conventional brainwashing about how bad deflation is, we discover it's actually good and it's inflation that's bad. [/size][/color][/size][/color] [/size] We have been brainwashed into believing that inflation is good and deflation is bad. The truth is that inflation is good for banks and bad for households, while deflation is bad for banks and good for households.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] Since ours is a bank credit system enforced by the Central State, what’s bad for the banks is presumed to be bad for everyone.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] This is simply not true. Inflation is “good” for borrowers, but only if their income rises while their debts remain fixed. For everyone with stagnant income--and that's 90% of the nation's households--inflation is just officially sanctioned theft.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] The conventional view can be illustrated with this example. Let’s say a household earns $50,000 a year and they have a fixed-rate mortgage of $100,000. If they set aside 40% of their income to pay the mortgage, that’s $20,000 a year. This means they can pay off their mortgage in five years. (To keep things simple, let’s ignore interest.) Let’s say the household’s annual grocery bill is $5,000—10% of the annual income.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] If inflation causes all prices and incomes to double, the household income rises to $100,000 and groceries cost $10,000--still 10% of the annual income. In this sense, inflation hasn’t changed anything: it still takes the same number of hours of work to buy the household’s groceries.[/color] [/size] We can say that the purchasing power of an hour of labor hasn't changed; whether the hour is converted into $1 or $1 million, that money buys the same quantity of goods and services as it did before the inflation.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] But inflation does something magical when incomes rise and debts remain fixed:now 40% of the household income is $40,000, and so the household can pay off the fixed-rate mortgage in only two-and-a-half years.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] Why is inflation good for the banks? After all, the mortgage is paid with depreciated money that no longer buys what it used to. Inflation benefits the banks for the simple reason that it enables the household to make its debt payments and borrow more.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] Remember that banks don’t just earn profits on interest, they make money on transaction fees: issuing loans and processing payments. The more loans they originate and manage, the more money they make. The more debt and leverage increase, the more money the banks make.[/color] [/size] Banks don’t actually hold many of the loans they originate. They bundle the loans and sell them to investors, a process called securitization. The banks bundle the loans into a security such as a mortgage-backed security (MBS) that can be sold in pieces to investors around the world. (Near-worthless mortgages always have a ready buyer: the Federal Reserve.)[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] The bank made its money when it originated the loan. Future inflation hurts the investors who bought the loan, not the bank. The bank sold the loan and booked the profit. To make more money, it needs to originate more loans. And to do that, it needs consumers who feel richer because inflation has boosted their nominal (face value) income.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] It’s all an illusion, of course; it still takes the same number of hours of labor to buy groceries. But this illusion of having a higher income encourages households to borrow more. This is how inflation greatly benefits banks.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] But the mechanism falls apart if incomes don’t rise along with prices for goods and services. When incomes stay the same and prices of goods and services rise, the household is poorer-- their income buys less than it did before inflation.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] The mechanism also falls apart if interest rates rise while income stays flat. In adjustable rate loans and credit cards, for example, the interest rate can adjust higher; the rate is not fixed.[/color] [/size] This is the situation we find ourselves in: 90% of households are experiencing stagnant or declining income, even as inflation raises the cost of goods and services every year. Adjusted for (probably understated) official inflation, the median household income has fallen 8% in the past five years.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] Income, Poverty and Health Insurance Coverage in the United States: 2011 According to the Census Bureau, "In 2011, real median household income was 8.1 percent lower than in 2007."[/color] [/size] Major expenses like medical insurance and college tuition have been rising at 5% to 6% a year for decades, twice the official rate of inflation.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] The Federal Reserve’s policies are explicitly intended to create 3% inflation, as this benefits the banks. But since wages and incomes are declining for 90% of households, the Fed’s policy is stealing purchasing power from households and enriching the banks. The Fed is a “reverse Robin Hood,” stealing from the poor to give to the rich. The Real Reverse Robin Hood: Ben Bernanke and his Merry Band of Thieves (August 31, 2012)[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] Since we’ve been brainwashed into uncritically believing deflation is bad, we haven’t thought it out for ourselves. Take computers as an example: we can buy more memory and computer power every year with less money. The cost of computers has deflated for decades. Calculated in 2012 dollars, I paid $5,350 for my first Macintosh computer in 1985. Last year I bought a Hewlett-Packard PC for $450, less than 10% of the cost of a computer in 1985, and the PC has 1,000 times the power and memory of a 1985-era computer.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] This is deflation in action: our money buys more goods and services every year. How is this bad? If deflation is good when it comes to computers, how does it suddenly become bad when applied to everything else?[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] Not only is deflation good for the household with fixed or declining income, it’s also good for the economy. How many people could afford a computer in 1985? Very few. How many can afford a computer now that they cost one-tenth as much? Almost everyone can afford one, even those households that are officially near the poverty line ($23,000 for a family of four in 2012).[/color] [/size] If inflation had driven up the cost of computers while income stayed flat, even fewer people could afford computers, and manufacturers would have a much smaller market.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] It’s important to remember that adjusted for inflation, the median income for the lower 90% of wage earners (138 million people) has been flat since 1970--forty years. Only the top 10% (14 million people) actually gained income, and only the top 5% gained significantly (+90%). The only way 90% of the populace can buy more goods and services is with deflation.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] [/color] [/size] Let’s consider a household that earns $1,000 a month that enables them to buy 100 good and services. [/color] [/size][/color] [/size] At 4% inflation, in five years the household will only be able to afford 80 goods and services, because inflation stole 20% of the value (purchasing power) of their income. Those producing and selling goods and services have lost 20% of their market.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] At 4% deflation, in five years they can afford 120 goods and services--20% more. If you are producing a good or service, your market has expanded by 20%.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] Let’s total the consequences of inflation and deflation. With 4% inflation, households are poorer, as they can buy fewer goods and services, and those producing goods and services see their market shrink by 20%. Inflation is a disaster for everyone but the banks.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] With deflation, households’ purchasing power increases by 20% and the market for goods and services also increases by 20%. If productivity rises more than 20% over five years, companies can actually produce and sell 20% more goods and make more profit than they did five years before.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] What the banks and their neofeudal enforcer the Federal Reserve want is for households to become poorer but more heavily indebted. They don’t want households to be able to afford more goods and services--they want households to have to borrow more money to buy more goods and services because issuing more loans is how banks make huge profits.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] Politicians love bank profits as much as the banks because they collect tens of millions of dollars in contributions (in more honest terms, bribes) from the banks. Politicians don’t care if 90% of American households get poorer every year thanks to inflation created by the Federal Reserve: the 1/10th of 1% live in a completely separate world than the 99.9%.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] The banks and their politician partners love inflation because it lines their pockets with tens of billions of dollars in profit. They have worked very hard to convince the 99.9% that inflation is good and deflation is bad, but it’s simply not true. Inflation is a slow, continual theft that robs the hard-working productive members of society and transfers the wealth to the banks and their crony lapdogs, the politicians and lobbyists.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] Banks and the Federal Reserve hate deflation because people can buy more goods and services without borrowing money to do so.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] If the Federal Reserve’s nightmare comes true and deflation occurs, something else happens that the banks fear and loathe: marginal borrowers default on all their debts. Rather than being easier to pay, the debts become more difficult to pay as money gains value. Marginal borrowers no longer get the “boost” of inflation, so they increasingly default on their loans.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] How is it bad for hopelessly over-indebted, overleveraged households to default on all their debt and get a fresh start? Exactly why is that bad? What is the over-indebted household losing other than a lifetime of debt-serfdom, stress and poverty?[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] The banks have to absorb the losses, and since they are so highly leveraged, the losses drive the banks into insolvency. They are bankrupt and must close their doors.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] Note that 99.9% of the people benefit when bad banks absorb losses and close their doors. Only the bank managers, owners and bond holders lose, and everyone else gains as an unproductive, poorly managed bank no longer burdens the economy with its malinvestments and risky bets.[/color] [/size][/color] [/size] The Federal Reserve’s policy of protecting the wealth and power of the banks while stealing from wage earners via inflation is a catastrophe for the nation and the 99.9% who are not financiers, politicians and lobbyists.[/color] [/size][/color] If you want to do something for the poor and middle class, encourage deflation.
Setting the stageUC Berkeley Economics Professor Emmanuel Saez recently updated his income-share spreadsheets through 2010, using data from the IRS’s Statistics of Income Division. This series includes capital gains, which results in more dramatic swings than one sees in series that exclude them.Including capital gains real incomes fell 17.4% between 2007 and 2009, the largest decline since the Great Depression. Within that the incomes of the top 1% were down 36.3%, largely the result of the 74% decline in realized capital gains between 2007 and 2009, while those of the lower 99% were down 11.6%.Painful for all, indeed, but skewed to the upper income groups, a trend that had more than retraced itself by the end of 2010, the most recent year of IRS data. Between 2009 and 2010 the incomes of the lower 99% rose only 0.2% while the incomes of the top percentile rose 11.6%, meaning that close to all the over-the-year improvement in income, when adjusted for population, was captured by that top percentile, 93% of it to be exact. (See links below for more data.)That puts some numbers on why the recovery is experienced so differently by ordinary wage earners and by elite income groups, which in turn has surely heightened public awareness of our growing income disparity.But there’s another big question out there. Whether you’re rooting for the upper or lower percentiles, if you spend a lot of time looking at income distribution tables, you can’t help but wonder why there is so little popular support for redistribution toward the middle classes, especially as the share of income going to the wealthiest citizens has risen toward levels last seen in the Roaring Twenties: Piecing together what people thinkIn “The American Public Looks at the Rich,” sociologists David Weakliem and Robert Biggert round up a number of opinion polls on the subject taken over the last five decades and suggest some answers.We’re re-quoting their opening quote because it’s a bit hard to remember that concerns about “tyranny of the majority” related to taxation have a long history. Back in late 19th Century England, as property restrictions on voting weakened, John Stuart Mill fretted, “…is it not a considerable danger lest [the majority] should throw…upon the larger incomes, an unfair share, or even the whole, of the burden of taxation; and having done so, add to the amount without scruple, expending the proceeds of modes supposed to conduce to the profit and advantage of the labouring class?”Although American workers have fought for wages, unions, and benefits, why a push for inequitable tax burdens (some would say even equitable tax burdens) on the rich feared by Mill and his colleagues has never gained traction remains an open question. After reviewing polling evidence, Weakliem and Biggert note that, “There is little support for direct redirection from the rich,” and, “Even the general principle of progressive taxation does not draw clear majority support.”The paper is thoughtful, even-handed, and a refreshing break from dreary speculation that the lower-income groups are dominated by a disproportionate share of misguided lottery enthusiasts. The authors suggest a far more complex picture.For one thing, the authors note that Americans are not opposed to higher taxes on the rich– 59% of respondents to a 2011 poll favored higher rates for families making at least $250K—but they don’t have much faith in the government’s ability to accomplish this. In one poll that inquired about the government’s ability to provide health care, college education, day care, and a few other services, “reducing the difference between the rich and poor” was the only item for which a larger percentage had had “no confidence at all,” rather than “a great deal of confidence.”One pollster notes that since the 1980s “people have told pollsters that the rich, not themselves, will benefit from budget agreements. It does not seem to matter what the contents of the agreement are or whether they are negotiated by Republicans or Democrats.” Widespread belief that the rich get out of paying taxes leads respondents to believe that additional revenues intended to come from the wealthy would fall instead on the middle and lower incomes.For another, poll respondents did not have an accurate idea of how big the current income gap is, and were in the dark concerning America’s international ranking in terms of economic equality. The authors found that although respondents were quite accurate in estimating compensation in a number of professions, they “dramatically underestimated” top executive incomes. For example, estimates of what CEOs and owners of large factories make were less than half the official estimates of actual salaries, as pieced together from a number of sources. Additionally, the margin between what respondents think executives make and what seems fair to them is considerably smaller than the margin between what respondents think executives make and what they actually make. (The authors note that respondents might have made more accurate estimates had they been asked about entertainers and athletes, rather than business-people, and that doctors’ and lawyers’ salaries are often over-estimated.)In a 2006 poll, the respondents optimistically gave the US a mean ranking of 15th out of 32 industrialized nations in terms of economic equality as measured by income ratios. Our actual ranking was 28th, with only Mexico, Turkey, Hong Kong and Singapore more unequal.And for yet another, across a number of polls, respondents showed strong agreement that the possibility of earning high salaries was important to the economy as a whole, and to bringing people into professions demanding a lot of preparation. One poll found 63% agreeing that the spending of millionaires gives “employment to a lot of people,” with 23% not agreeing, and 68% agreeing that investments help “create jobs and provide prosperity,” with 19% disagreeing. A majority agree that no one would go through law or medical school unless they could earn substantially higher incomes than ordinary workers. So concerns about the negative economic effects of curtailing income inequality look to be part of the explanation for the lack of support for redistribution.On the other hand, the authors found little support for the idea that Americans over-estimate their own standing on the income ladder, and none at all for David Brooks’s claims that 19% of Americans believe they are in the top percentile. In one older poll, 20% ranked their families as above or far above average, and 29% as below or far below average; in a newer poll 8% ranked themselves as poor, 19% as lower income, 11% as upper income, and 2% as rich. The halves don’t add up, and are skewed to the lower side. The authors note the people tend to be generous in evaluating their abilities, so perhaps there is some over-estimation, but polling evidence suggests otherwise.The common assumption that people over-estimate upward mobility is complicated by disparate estimations of what it means to be wealthy. One study found that those making $10K a year would require only $50K, while it would take $250K for those making around $75K, so definitions of “rich” probably include moving beyond a hand-to-mouth existence. But the authors suggest that respondents are generally quite reasonable in their expectations about becoming wealthy. Noting that 8% of households make more than $150K a year, and that one analysis of tax returns found a 50% turnover within the top 5% over ten years, the number of people who will be rich at some point is several times larger than the number who are rich at any given time. According to various polls, about 10% of respondents think it is very likely they will be rich, and about 24% that it’s somewhat likely, so they aren’t so far off.In 2009, one set of pollsters concluded that, “Americans doggedly believe in the rags-to-riches story,” but there’s a problem with the question on which this conclusion is based: “Do you believe it is still possible to start out poor in this country, work hard, and become rich?” The authors point out that it’s certainly possible, so the correct answer in fact is yes; people answering yes may well be acknowledging that possibility, not saying it’s highly likely, just as the up to 40% who responded no were more likely commenting on the rareness of the event than the literal impossibility.Some have suggested that the American public tends to idolize the rich, but this was not supported in polls. First, the majority of respondents indicated they don’t find the rich that interesting, although they like to read about celebrities. A majority of respondents to an AARP poll thought being wealthy was the result of hard work rather than luck, but other polls found that percentages of people who agreed and disagreed that people worked hard for their wealth, and agreed and disagreed that the wealthy had exploited people to get where they were, were about even. Weakleim and Biggert suggest that the number of people who dismiss luck’s importance in becoming wealthy might be unrealistically high because some people may understand “luck” to “mean completely haphazard events, rather than systematic factors such as being born in a wealthy family.”Although a majority of respondents in one poll believe millionaires give generously to charities, 49% do not believe they feel a responsibility to society because of their wealth, 78% believe them more likely to be snobs, 66% less likely to be honest, and 54% think them more likely to be racists. So, although 61% think the very rich are more likely to be physically attractive, that hasn’t translated to general merit, so admiration for the rich does not rank high as a reason that Mill’s prediction has not come to pass.And finally the authors take on happiness. Although polls have found that large majorities believe they would be happier if they made more money, and 60% would like to be rich, only about 40% believe they would be happier if they were rich. Fifty-two percent believe the rich are no happier than they are, with only 11% thinking the rich are happier, and 35%, less happy. The authors don’t really see a contradiction here. They note that people might prefer to be rich because it would provide better benefits for their children, or that they would like to be relatively better off than they are, but not necessarily rich. In any case, the authors suggest that people are “resisting the logical consequence of the principle that money makes life better.”
Life Expectancy Shrinks for Less-Educated Whites in U.S. By SABRINA TAVERNISE Published: September 20, 2012 For generations of Americans, it was a given that children would live longer than their parents. But there is now mounting evidence that this enduring trend has reversed itself for the country’s least-educated whites, an increasingly troubled group whose life expectancy has fallen by four years since 1990. ... The steepest declines were for white women without a high school diploma, who lost five years of life between 1990 and 2008, said S. Jay Olshansky, a public health professor at the University of Illinois at Chicago and the lead investigator on the study, published last month in Health Affairs. By 2008, life expectancy for black women without a high school diploma had surpassed that of white women of the same education level, the study found. White men lacking a high school diploma lost three years of life. Life expectancy for both blacks and Hispanics of the same education level rose, the data showed. But blacks over all do not live as long as whites, while Hispanics live longer than both whites and blacks. “We’re used to looking at groups and complaining that their mortality rates haven’t improved fast enough, but to actually go backward is deeply troubling,” said John G. Haaga, head of the Population and Social Processes Branch of the National Institute on Aging, who was not involved in the new study. The five-year decline for white women rivals the catastrophic seven-year drop for Russian men in the years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, said Michael Marmot, director of the Institute of Health Equity in London. ... Ms. Montez, who studies women’s health, said that smoking was a big part of declines in life expectancy for less educated women. Smoking rates have increased among women without a high school diploma, both white and black, she said. But for men of the same education level, they have declined. This group also has less access to health care than before. The share of working-age adults with less than a high school diploma who did not have health insurance rose to 43 percent in 2006, up from 35 percent in 1993, according to Mr. Jemal at the American Cancer Society. Just 10 percent of those with a college degree were uninsured last year, the Census Bureau reported. The shift should be seen against the backdrop of sweeping changes in the American economy and in women’s lives, said Lisa Berkman, director of the Harvard Center for Population and Development Studies. The overwhelming majority of women now work, while fertility has remained higher than in European countries. For women in low-wage jobs, which are often less flexible, this could take a toll on health, a topic that Professor Berkman has a grant from the National Institute on Aging to study.
Si estallara ahora un conflicto global multifocal, ¿Cuales serían los principales focos?China-JapónIsrael-IranIndia-Pakistan (Ojito con este)