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Autor Tema: PPCC: Pisitófilos Creditófagos. Primavera 2024  (Leído 516972 veces)

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sudden and sharp

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Re:PPCC: Pisitófilos Creditófagos. Primavera 2024
« Respuesta #2235 en: Mayo 28, 2024, 15:54:36 pm »
[...] Como curiosidad diré que «11111 Restaurantes, cafés y salas de baile», él solito, es casi un 8% del índice. Basta, pues, con mantener tu patrón de consumo, pero suprimiendo bares y restoranes de mierda, y cuidar un poco la línea para entrar tú en deflación.[/size]]





O en verdad. Por cierto, se  puede hacer lo mismo con el IPC de Madrid, si vives ahí, y te salen aún mejor los numeritos. [ Ya puestos.  :biggrin: ]

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Re:PPCC: Pisitófilos Creditófagos. Primavera 2024
« Respuesta #2236 en: Mayo 28, 2024, 15:56:40 pm »
Sobre el "Capitalismo simbólico"...
https://musaalgharbi.substack.com/p/meet-the-symbolic-capitalists

Functioning Capitalists
Karl Marx argued that capitalism was fated to break down almost all other social ties and divisions other than the core class conflict between workers (the proletariat) and capitalists (the bourgeoisie). Inevitably, he argued, the workers would rise up and overthrow the capitalists, It was a question of ‘when’ and ‘where’ not ‘if’ the revolution would occur.

In Capital Vol. III, Marx divided the bourgeoisie into two core blocs: “functioning capitalists” and “money capitalists.”

The former term referred to professionals, managers and administrators — the people who run things, but don’t own things. The latter term referred to people who own businesses, resources, etc. but don’t directly manage most of the decisions for the enterprises and assets under their domain (they have people for that: the functioning capitalists).

Marx noted there are often tensions, sometimes outright conflict, between these different blocs of elites — although typically the former works to advance the will and interests of the latter. Across the board, they share an interest (and collaborate) in exploiting and oppressing the working class — and in siphoning ‘surplus value’ produced by people whose labor is tied to physical goods and services ‘upwards’ to people like themselves.

The New Class
Capital, Vol. III was published posthumously in 1894. Over the next several years, and especially in the interwar period (that is, the years between World Wars I and II), the influence of “functioning capitalists” grew rapidly. As institutions grew ever more complex, and operated at every larger scales, the separation between ownership and control grew more and more pronounced.

Shortly after the outbreak of the second world war in Europe, American political theorist James Burnham published a milestone book, The Managerial Revolution, analyzing the ascendence of this new elite formation, which he argued was no longer just a subset of the capitalists, but had come to constitute a “new class.”  -- distinct from owners and producers alike.

Somewhat to Burnham’s consternation, his book sparked a genre of important texts charting the shifts in the global economy and how they relate to the growing cultural, economic and political power of those Marx referred to as “functioning capitalists.” Among them:

Alvin Gouldner, The Future of Intellectuals and the Rise of the New Class.

Daniel Bell, The Coming of a Post-Industrial Society.

Christopher Jencks & David Riesman, The Academic Revolution.

Steven Brint, In an Age of Experts. 

Over time, however, Burnham’s simple description of these elites as a “new class” was supplanted by more refined and descriptive terms.

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The Professional Managerial Class
In a prescient series of essays for Radical America in 1977 (Part I, Part II), Barbara and John Ehenreich introduced the term “The Professional-Managerial Class” (PMC) to refer to the new class whose arrival had been heralded by Burnham. 

The Ehrenreichs defined the PMC as “salaried mental workers who do not own the means of production and whose major function in the social division of labor may be described broadly as the reproduction of capitalist culture and capitalist class relations.”  In laymen’s terms, the major roles they play in society are to

Keep the capitalist machine running (in the present and in perpetuity),

Maximize its efficiency and productivity, and

Justify any inequalities or impositions that are required in order to achieve these ends.

These functions the PMC serve in society, the Ehrenreichs noted, tend to lie at odds with their values. A disproportionate share of the PMC identified with the “new left” (which was, from the outset, a PMC ideology, as C. Wright Mills emphasized back in 1960). They supported feminism, the black power movement, the sexual revolution, environmentalism, the antiwar movement, etc. in addition to possessing more generic left egalitarian economic leanings. PMC attempts to reconcile these views with the role they actually played in society gave rise to a series of contradictions that has come to define this elite formation.

In the years since the Ehenreichs published these seminal essays, the ‘professional-managerial class’ has become perhaps the most popular means of referring to the new elites. However, it is also a term loaded with baggage. As Barbara Ehenriech noted in her 1989 Fear of Falling, the term (and derivatives thereof, such as ‘managerial elites’ or the ‘new class’) became something of a pejorative within the political ‘right’ during the Reagan years. Today, contemporary leftists (intellectuals associated with the Democratic Socialists of America, for instance) have similarly come to use the term as a slur against banal Democrats – even though most critics are, themselves, members of that same group.

Others have criticized the term as being conceptually unclear. For instance, some have argued that a term that seems to encompass the manager of a local Applebee’s, nurses, police officers, journalists, and investment bankers – as though all of these groups share a common set of values and interests – cannot be particularly coherent or useful. This criticism, while not uncommon, is frankly a misread of the concept – perhaps a response to others using it in an overly loose fashion.

According to the Ehenreichs’ original formulation, the PMC did not include anyone who happened to be salaried, or who worked in bureaucracies, or whose jobs required some kind of post-secondary education. The crux of the definition is that they were mental workers. Cops and nurses, who provide primarily physical services, would therefore not be included in the PMC. Similarly, the manager of a local Applebee’s branch – a salaried employee who is typically ‘on the floor’ ensuring customer satisfaction, managing employee disputes, ensuring productivity and compliance with company rules and standards, ensuring the proper production and delivery of a physical good (customers’ meals) – would not be part of the PMC. The people who work at the Applebee’s corporate offices (observing the productivity of stores across the country via spreadsheets – far removed from the point of sale of actual food for particular customers in a particular location) would be part of the PMC.

The Creative Class
Some scholars have tried coming up with alternative labels to refer to the new elites, both to avoid the baggage associated with PMC and to explore different dimensions of what sets them apart from others. Most have continued to refer to them as a class – for instance, as “Class X,” or “The Aspirational Class.” Perhaps the most popular alternative to PMC was developed by urbanist Richard Florida: the creative class.

In my view, although there are many virtues to Florida’s alternative conception, it is also unsatisfying in many respects. As Florida himself acknowledges, creativity is hardly just the purview of those who do what the Ehenreichs refer to as ‘mental’ work. All sort of practical, physical, tasks require ingenuity, innovation and improvisation – from fixing a malfunctioning device, to closing a sale at a retail store (speaking as someone who worked for more than a decade and a half at restaurants and retail stores), to navigating inclement weather conditions as a truckers.

Moreover, while ‘PMC’ has been undermined in some respects due to the pejorative connotations that have developed around it, ‘creative class’ almost suffers from the opposite issue: its valence is perhaps overly positive. Indeed, although the The Rise of the Creative Class is, on balance, a really fantastic and important work of scholarship, it also happens to be filled with praise for the creative class and seems to accept many of their cherished narratives at face value. Florida’s main criticism is that the “creative class” has largely failed to understand themselves as a class or organize as a class. However, this may be less a problem in how these elites behave than in how they are conceptualized.

On the one hand, it seems sensible to talk and think about them as a class – their own self-understandings notwithstanding. After all, these elites have distinctive and convergent interests around issues like intellectual property laws, public trust in education, science and expertise, or continued investments in science, technology, research and the arts. They concentrate in the same urban hubs. They broadly share certain ideological and cultural dispositions. They have been largely consolidated into a single political party. However, at best, they could be understood as a class in statu nascendi — that is, a class still in the process of being formed. This process has been consistently undermined, most notably by changes in the economy that have created growing inequalities within and between the symbolic professions — generating often-intense internal struggles over resources and prestige, claims and counterclaims for authority and jurisdiction, etc. As We Have Never Been Woke illustrates at length (in Chapter 2), Great Awokenings are largely manifestations of these internal tensions.

Symbolic Analysts
Instead of talking about these new elites as a “class,” former U.S. Secretary of Labor Robert Reich sought to define them more narrowly by the type of labor they do. In The Work of Nations he coined the term ‘symbolic analysts’ to describe those whose work is primary oriented around the production and manipulation of data, symbols, images, narratives, abstractions, ideas and analysis. While Reich’s text was similarly criticized for being perhaps too flattering of symbolic analysts, his framework is nonetheless quite effective at isolating what sets these new elites apart from others in society (in a way that does not include, say, hairdressers, Applebee’s managers, cops, etc.), and avoids the baggage associated with various ‘class’ based analyses (given that these workers are not a class per se).

However, a shortcoming of Reich’s analysis and, indeed, most others since Marx, is an absence of considerations about power. This is perhaps, in part, because works in the genre are near-unanimously composed by and for the very elites in question, and we tend not to be super reflexive. Instead, as sociologist Pierre Bourdieu emphasized, “Being professionals of discourse and explication… intellectuals have a much greater than average capacity to transform their spontaneous sociology, their self-interested vision of the social world, into the appearance of a scientific sociology.” And that’s precisely what many of these works have tended to do.

To his credit, in later works, Richard Florida grew much more critical of the role the creative class has played in fomenting inequality. As did David Brooks. His Bobos in Paradise occasionally mocked ‘bourgeois bohemians’ but largely praised them. By 2021, however, he had come around to arguing that the “bobos broke America.”

The Ehrenreichs grew more critical too. In earlier works they had posited that, because the PMC was pulled in two different directions, it was an open question whether they would ultimately align with other elites in order to fulfill their core social function (leading to increased inequalities as their prominence in society grew), or whether they would side with the genuinely marginalized, disadvantaged and vulnerable in society (in accordance with their New Left beliefs, leading to greater social egalitarianism). By the 2010s, they viewed that question as largely settled. As Olufemi Taiwo and Enzo Rossi aptly put it, we ended up with a synthesis: greater cultural egalitarianism paired with growing socioeconomic inequality.

Robert Reich, for his part, has become much more aggressive in condemning inequality. However, he continues to focus largely on superelites and the GOP to explain social problems, largely excluding “symbolic analysts,” the knowledge economy, and the Democratic Party from critique.

Across the board, the ways scholars and pundits conceptualize this elite formation continues to largely avoid considerations of power. Power is something that millionaires and billionaires have. It’s something that the President of the United States has. It’s not something that people like “us” possess. We’re not the problem. We’re just helpless cogs in an exploitative system trying to live our “social justice” beliefs as best we can. Or so our preferred narratives go. The truth, however, is far more complicated and uncomfortable.

Symbolic Capital(ists)
Synthesizing Bourdieu and Reich, I came up with an alternative way to conceptualize the “winners” in the knowledge economy that

Helps distinguish symbolic economy elites from other elites,

Captures and integrates most of the important stuff from the other conceptions,

Foregrounds the power dynamics that have been largely downplayed in analyses of this elite constellation since Marx (and as an added bonus, harkens back to Marx’s original formulation).

I refer to them (us) as “symbolic capitalists.”

In sociological terms, a capitalist is not someone who simply favors capitalism, but rather someone who possesses financial resources (capital) that used to acquire, exert control over, and extract profits from, the means of (material) production. Drawing on Bourdieu, we can define a symbolic capitalist as someone who possesses a high level of symbolic capital, and exerts control over, and extracts profits from, the means of symbolic (re)production. They are elites whose social position is tied to the production, distribution and transformation of symbolic capital.

[Think: People who work in fields like advertising and entertainment, education and journalism, design and the arts, science and technology, politics and activism, finance and philanthropy, consulting and administration, religion, law, and so on].

Bourdieu expounded on the idea of symbolic capital in his 1979 book, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. In contrast with more traditional resources associated with wealth, material assets, etc., Bourdieu defined symbolic capital as the resources available to someone on the basis of honor, prestige, celebrity, consecration, and recognition. These symbolic aspects of social life are intimately bound up with power and wealth, or with material and political needs and aspirations. According to Bourdieu, the roles people are assigned to on the basis of their symbolic capital (or lack thereof) may actually be more important than more conventional economic forces in determining how hierarchies of power are arranged within a society. And regardless of how inequalities come about, it is primarily through symbolic capital that they are legitimized and maintained.

However, symbolic capital operates much more subtly than other forms of power and wealth. Indeed, when deployed effectively, neither the person wielding this capital nor the people it is exercised upon will consciously recognize the power dynamics at play. Instead, interactions, relationships and states of affairs will seem natural, necessary, inevitable, or in any case, normal, for all parties involved. Even those at the bottom of social hierarchies will often acquiesce or resign themselves to their own domination. As Bourdieu put it, “symbolic power is that invisible power which can be exercised only with the complicity of those who do not want to know that they are subject to it or even that they themselves exercise it.”

Over the years, academics have proliferated new forms of symbolic capital. However, in his initial formulation, Bourdieu highlighted three core varieties: cultural, academic and political. Each of these, he argued, could be converted to the others under the right circumstances — and symbolic capital can also be converted into financial capital (indeed, this is precisely how intellectual or cultural elites ‘make a living’). Collectively, these different forms of symbolic capital serve as the basis of defining others as insiders or intruders, experts or amateurs, leaders or brutes, authentic or posers, geniuses or hacks, sincere or cynical, worthy or unworthy, etc. To briefly walk through them:

Political capital includes the trust, goodwill, relationships, and institutional authority that can used to mobilize others in the service of particular goals. One’s formal title within an organizational hierarchy, one’s perceived credibility, reliability, efficacy, experience and virtue — these are all resources that can be drawn upon to convince others to throw their lot in with someone, to trust their vision, to run with their plan, to pursue their priorities.

Academic capital, on the other hand, is about getting others to defer to one’s judgment based on special knowledge, intellect, skill or expertise. Academic capital is mainly derived from one’s credentials, degrees, formal training, etc. One of the most frequent means though which people demonstrate their academic capital is by drawing attention to their book-knowledge (for instance, name checking scholars or academic texts or deploying academic concepts in communications), through appeals to epistemic authority (‘I have a PhD in x,’ or ‘As an expert on y…’), or through evoking one’s association with institutions or professions that are bound up with academic knowledge (i.e. professor, researcher, analyst, specialist, doctor, lawyer, consultant, journalist).

Finally, cultural capital is about demonstrating oneself as interesting, cool, sophisticated, charismatic, charming, etc. People reveal their cultural capital through how they talk, how they carry themselves, their dress, their manners, their tastes and expressed opinions — all of which provide strong cues as to one’s level of education, socioeconomic background, ideological and political alignments, place of origin, etc.

Of these three main forms of symbolic capital, it is cultural capital that is the least accessible to non-elites. As Bourdieu emphasized, it is only those with “distance from necessity” who tend to have the luxury of cultivating the “long-lasting dispositions of mind and body” associated with high status.

A core argument of We Have Never Been Woke is that ‘wokeness’ has become key a source of cultural capital among contemporary elites—especially among symbolic capitalists. The idiosyncratic understanding of social justice, and attendant dispositions and modes of engagement discursively associated with ‘being woke’ are popular almost exclusively among symbolic capitalists. Those who are genuinely vulnerable, marginalized, disadvantaged or impoverished don’t think or talk in these ways. And that’s part of the point.

Among symbolic capitalists, ‘wokeness’ has come to serve as sign that someone is of an elite background or is well-educated. Through espousing ‘woke’ beliefs, symbolic capitalists (and aspirants to the symbolic professions) demonstrate that they the kind of person who ‘plays ball’ — they are aware of, and are willing and able to competently execute, the appropriate scripts for cultural and intellectual elites in response to various cues. That is, ‘wokeness’ is increasingly a means of identifying who is part of ‘the club’ — and it provides a basis for deeming those who are not part of the club as being unworthy of symbolic capital (i.e. people who fail to embrace elite conceptions of ‘social justice’ are held to be underserving of honor, fame, prestige, deference, etc.).

This is just the tip of the iceberg, however. To find out more about symbolic capitalists, our idiosyncratic lifestyles and social position, and how these relate to our distinctive political and ideological alignments – and to the narratives we use to legitimize our bids for more power and resources (and to delegitimize our rivals) – you should definitely check out the full book, which is now available for pre-order. And stay tuned to this Substack for essays exploring the growing socioeconomic, cultural and political divides between symbolic capitalists and most other Americans – and the conflicts that have been created and, in some cases, transformed as a result of this rift. If you’re not already signed up, consider subscribing now.

sudden and sharp

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Re:PPCC: Pisitófilos Creditófagos. Primavera 2024
« Respuesta #2237 en: Mayo 28, 2024, 16:00:37 pm »









Martinis or rooms.  :roto2:

el malo

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Re:PPCC: Pisitófilos Creditófagos. Primavera 2024
« Respuesta #2238 en: Mayo 28, 2024, 16:55:52 pm »
SUBID LOS PUTOS TIPOS HASTA QUE REVIENTE.
YA.

Son los Estados los que deben gestionar el reventón de los "activos".
Los BBCC sólo gestionan la "inflación" real.

Los BBCC lo están diciendo por activa y por pasiva:

los Estados deben reventar lo que permite la inflación (fiscal) de los "activos" : planificando la unión fiscal, las fusiones continentales (bancos, telecos), las reformas de las leyes del suelo edificable.

Eso no se hace con tipos. Se hace planificando la fiscalidad, Restableciendo la primacía del impuesto público sobre el impuesto privado. Porque el Pisito es la privatización del impuesto.

Pero requiere voluntad politica, Que por ahora, es foránea. Fijaos cómo Zelensky se lleva 1000 ml a costa de los impuestos de los Españoles. Lo consigue porque España obedece. Incluso va el Rey a recibirlo, y P.Sanchez firma el cheque.

Vayan a votar. Tras votar, hagamos una sentada en Estraburgo.
Pero dentro del Parlamento, no a las puertas. y por nuestros representantes.
Asegurémonos de que sea divertido, sin llorar a los BBCC.

Anda que no pueden. Si mañana Lagarde sube medio punto y da un comunicado de prensa diciendo que o los estados le ponen freno a esta locura o en la siguiente reunión sube otro medio, ya veríamos qué rápido se acababa la tontería.

¿Competís conmigo politicuchos y banqueros de medio pelo? Os voy a enseñar quién tiene la sartén por el mango.

Y se les avisa que como vuelvan a las andadas el BCE se pensará muy mucho financiar a los bancos de los estados que no cumplan.

Ahora resulta que el BCE no tiene poder ninguno y que no puede doblegar a cuatro ladrilleros y sus políticos en nómina.


JENOFONTE10

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Re:PPCC: Pisitófilos Creditófagos. Primavera 2024
« Respuesta #2239 en: Mayo 28, 2024, 17:19:23 pm »
PISITOFILIA BATALLACULTURALISTA.—
[...]
Hemos pasado de la entrañable pisitofilia creditofágica que descontaba un futuro rosa, a la siniestra pisitofilia batallaculturalista, cuya misión es establecer la inseguridad nacional (interior y exterior) y la inseguridad social, para ellos poder dar pelotazos inmobiliarios o supersalariales.
[...]

Milei en España: "La batalla cultural es un compromiso inalienable" (1min. 40")
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n8njPHaBHOo

Saludos.

Entonces se dijeron unos a otros: «¡Vamos! Fabriquemos ladrillos y pongámoslos a cocer al fuego». Y usaron ladrillos en lugar de piedra, y el asfalto les sirvió de mezcla.[Gn 11,3] No les teman. No hay nada oculto que no deba ser revelado, y nada secreto que no deba ser conocido. [Mt 10, 26]

asustadísimos

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Re:PPCC: Pisitófilos Creditófagos. Primavera 2024
« Respuesta #2240 en: Mayo 28, 2024, 17:27:36 pm »
[He cambiado un poco la redacción del comentario...
https://www.transicionestructural.net/index.php?topic=2604.msg229162#msg229162
... para que los malos no lo pongan al servicio de su derrotismo.
Aprovecho para decir que la fuente es la página web del INE, "Índice de Precios de Consumo. Base 2016. Ponderaciones. Resultados nacionales. Ponderaciones de subclases".]

Raf909

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Re:PPCC: Pisitófilos Creditófagos. Primavera 2024
« Respuesta #2241 en: Mayo 28, 2024, 17:58:59 pm »
SUBID LOS PUTOS TIPOS HASTA QUE REVIENTE.
YA.

Son los Estados los que deben gestionar el reventón de los "activos".
Los BBCC sólo gestionan la "inflación" real.

Los BBCC lo están diciendo por activa y por pasiva:

los Estados deben reventar lo que permite la inflación (fiscal) de los "activos" : planificando la unión fiscal, las fusiones continentales (bancos, telecos), las reformas de las leyes del suelo edificable.

Eso no se hace con tipos. Se hace planificando la fiscalidad, Restableciendo la primacía del impuesto público sobre el impuesto privado. Porque el Pisito es la privatización del impuesto.

Pero requiere voluntad politica, Que por ahora, es foránea. Fijaos cómo Zelensky se lleva 1000 ml a costa de los impuestos de los Españoles. Lo consigue porque España obedece. Incluso va el Rey a recibirlo, y P.Sanchez firma el cheque.

Vayan a votar. Tras votar, hagamos una sentada en Estraburgo.
Pero dentro del Parlamento, no a las puertas. y por nuestros representantes.
Asegurémonos de que sea divertido, sin llorar a los BBCC.

Anda que no pueden. Si mañana Lagarde sube medio punto y da un comunicado de prensa diciendo que o los estados le ponen freno a esta locura o en la siguiente reunión sube otro medio, ya veríamos qué rápido se acababa la tontería.

¿Competís conmigo politicuchos y banqueros de medio pelo? Os voy a enseñar quién tiene la sartén por el mango.

Y se les avisa que como vuelvan a las andadas el BCE se pensará muy mucho financiar a los bancos de los estados que no cumplan.

Ahora resulta que el BCE no tiene poder ninguno y que no puede doblegar a cuatro ladrilleros y sus políticos en nómina.

Poder claro que pueden, sobretodo porque al subir los tipos, indirectamente también subirá la prima de riesgo de muchos estados.

Lo que pasa es que no interesa. A Lagarde la han puesto ahí los mismos que no quieren que se tire abajo todo el chiringuito. Yo tengo la teoría de que en Occidente se empezó a meter cash en lo inmobiliario cuando emepezó la deslocalización Industrial hacia Asia. Si no hay econocmía productiva, de donde se van a recoger dividendos?

Toda la economía viró hacia los "servicios" y el Real State. Pues nada, ahora que nos den de comer los servicios y el Real State. Ya se vió durante el Covid o ahora durante la guerra de Ucrania. Que produce Europa? Nada... pues a ver quién es el que le dice al Rey que está desnudo...

Una pista: lagarde no va a ser, no quiere ser la mala de la película. Todos actuan como que hacen algo, y no se hace nada. En ningún país, en ningún nivel. Y así estamos.

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Re:PPCC: Pisitófilos Creditófagos. Primavera 2024
« Respuesta #2242 en: Mayo 28, 2024, 18:09:04 pm »
A ver si consigo ponerme al día...
Empiezo por un artículo que firman Macron y Scholz de plena campaña electoral europea.

https://www.ft.com/content/853f0ba0-c6f8-4dd4-a599-6fc5a142e879

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Macron and Scholz: we must strengthen European sovereignty

The EU needs more single market, innovation and investment to secure a common future



President Emmanuel Macron, left, at a recent press conference with Chancellor Olaf Scholz. France and Germany are proposing a renewed impetus for competitiveness for the EU’s next term © Halil Sagirkaya/Anadolu/Getty Images

In a few weeks, we Europeans will start setting out our agenda for the next term in the EU. Looking back at the challenges over the last five years — be it the pandemic, the ongoing Russian war of aggression against Ukraine or increasing geopolitical shifts — it is clear: Europe is experiencing its Zeitenwende*. We can’t take for granted the foundations on which we have built our European way of living and our role in the world. Our Europe is mortal, and we must rise to the challenge.

Strengthening our global competitiveness and enhancing our resilience while making the Green Deal and the digital transition a success is at the heart of responding to these challenges. To this end, France and Germany are proposing today a renewed impetus for competitiveness for the EU’s next term.
 
Europe must thrive as a strong world-class industrial and technological leader, while implementing our ambition to make the EU the first climate neutral continent. We can harness the potential of the green and digital transitions for developing the markets, industries and good jobs of the future.

To live up to these common ambitions, Germany and France are convinced that the EU needs more innovation, more single market, more investment, more level playing field and less bureaucracy.

Together, we will advocate to strengthen the EU’s sovereignty and reduce our critical dependencies, while building on the successful implementation of the agenda developed since the Versailles summit in March 2022. With an ambitious industrial policy, we can enable the development and rollout of key technologies of tomorrow, such as AI, quantum technologies, space, 5G/6G, biotechnologies, net zero technologies, mobility and chemicals. We have to make full use of and significantly accelerate existing EU instruments, from important projects of common European interest to the role of public procurement, considering a more strategic approach in relevant sectors, and to modernise our competition rules in view of global competitiveness.

We call for strengthening the EU’s technological capabilities by promoting cutting-edge research and innovation and necessary infrastructures, including those regarding artificial intelligence and health.

One of Europe’s greatest competitive strengths is the single market, allowing businesses to develop innovative products and services, to grow and to compete, while ensuring high standards. We need to reap its full benefits with a modernised single market, reducing fragmentation and barriers, fostering connectivity, enhancing skills, promoting mobility and convergence.

We call for an ambitious bureaucracy reduction agenda to deliver on simpler and faster administrative procedures and cutting bureaucratic burdens for businesses of all sizes. We welcome the European Commission’s initiative to reduce reporting obligations for our companies by 25 per cent. This promise has to be implemented with specific legislation. The principles of subsidiarity and proportionality need a fresh start, too.

We will jointly support an ambitious, robust, open and sustainable European trade policy that allows fair trade agreements and promotes EU interests, creates reciprocal market access opportunities and a clear level playing field with our trade partners. The EU should remain an advocate for the rules-based multilateral trading system and act for fair competition.

We will fully decarbonise our energy systems. And we will achieve this in a fully integrated and interconnected market while respecting national choices on the respective energy mix. This is the European way — and it will increase resilience, security of supply and pave the way for more sovereignty.

Finally, our collective investment efforts, both private and public, must match our ambitions. We need to unlock the full potential of our capital markets. Too many companies looking to fund their growth turn to the other side of the Atlantic. Too many European savings are being invested abroad rather than in Europe’s most promising start-ups and scale-ups. To mobilise the needed investments we have to get serious about a truly integrated European financial market with the banking and the capital markets union at its core, addressing fragmentation and ensuring global competitiveness of the European financial sector.

In doing so, we will have to relaunch the European securitisation market, improve the convergence and efficiency of the supervision of capital markets across the EU, harmonise relevant aspects of corporate insolvency frameworks and tax law, simplify the regulatory framework and develop a simple and effective cross-border investment and savings product for all. Private and public investments need to go hand in hand. We should make the EU budget fit for the future and further prioritise investments in transformational expenditure and European public goods while working on introducing new “own resources” as agreed in 2020.

Together, we call to put this agenda at the core of the coming term. The EU is our common future.

*Zeitenwende= turning point
« última modificación: Mayo 28, 2024, 18:10:40 pm por Derby »
“Everything can be taken from a man but one thing: the last of the human freedoms — to choose one’s attitude in any given set of circumstances, to choose one’s own way.”— Viktor E. Frankl
https://www.hks.harvard.edu/more/policycast/happiness-age-grievance-and-fear

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Re:PPCC: Pisitófilos Creditófagos. Primavera 2024
« Respuesta #2243 en: Mayo 28, 2024, 18:13:34 pm »
NO SE OS PUEDE DEJAR SÓLOS... Je, je.   :roto2:



Me ausento un rato... por (ciertas) necesidades, y sacáis to la chicha... de golpe.



[...] O ES QUE NOS DA MIEDO A ESTAS ALTURAS PROVOCAR UNA RECESUON COMO HACE TIEMPONQUE NOS HACE FALTA?
PERO UNA DE VERDAD,  NO LA LA MIERDA DE 2008-14.





Aquí no la pillas RGCIM... Los que quieren crisis son los malos. Piensa mal, o al berrés... Los pescadores a rio revuelto quieren crisis. (Pues que se jodan: trabajo y sólo trabajo paga deudas, Y de esas "saben" un rato esos pescaores de que te hablo.)




[ Pista: to vabien. Emos ganao. Hellos an sio los engañados.  :biggrin: ]


[...] SUBID LOS PUTOS TIPOS HASTA QUE REVIENTE.
YA.



Síiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii.  ;)

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Re:PPCC: Pisitófilos Creditófagos. Primavera 2024
« Respuesta #2244 en: Mayo 28, 2024, 18:25:02 pm »
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-05-28/europe-s-biggest-pension-fund-sells-10-billion-in-fossil-fuels

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Europe’s Biggest Pension Fund Sells €10 Billion in Fossil Fuels

ABP has sold equity, bonds, oil futures linked to fossil fuels
Plans to phase out remaining €4.8 billion in illiquid assets


Europe’s biggest pension fund, Stichting Pensioenfonds ABP, has exited all liquid assets in oil, gas and coal worth about €10 billion ($10.8 billion), in an effort to be greener.

The last shares and bonds owned by the fund were sold in the first quarter of this year, Harmen van Wijnen, chairman of ABP’s board of trustees, said in an interview at the fund’s headquarters in Amsterdam. ABP, which had pledged to sell down a majority of the investments by early last year, no longer holds any “liquid assets” in fossil energy producers, he said.

In its latest disclosure since the 2021 commitment to cut €15 billion exposure to fossil fuels, the Dutch fund has gradually divested all stocks, bonds and investments in oil and gas futures contracts linked to fossil fuels, Van Wijnen said.

The fund has said the step is necessary after efforts to engage with fossil-fuel producers and get them to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions proved ineffective.(...)

“We only want to invest in companies that also have a vision and are on a pathway in the transition to a sustainable economy and companies that don’t harm climate or biodiversity,” Van Wijnen said.(...)
“Everything can be taken from a man but one thing: the last of the human freedoms — to choose one’s attitude in any given set of circumstances, to choose one’s own way.”— Viktor E. Frankl
https://www.hks.harvard.edu/more/policycast/happiness-age-grievance-and-fear

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Re:PPCC: Pisitófilos Creditófagos. Primavera 2024
« Respuesta #2245 en: Mayo 28, 2024, 18:29:52 pm »
https://www.marketwatch.com/story/novo-nordisk-blames-middlemen-in-u-s-healthcare-system-for-high-prices-of-weight-loss-drugs-wegovy-and-ozempic-5fc496dc

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While Novo Nordisk charges $1,349 a month for Wegovy in the U.S., the drug costs just $140 a month in Germany and $92 a month in the U.K.

Novo Nordisk has blamed middlemen in the U.S. healthcare system for the high prices of its top-selling weight-loss drugs Wegovy and Ozempic, following the launch of an investigation into the drugs led by U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders.

In a letter to the Senator for Vermont, the Danish pharmaceutical giant said it only retains 60% of the list price on both drugs, with the rest paid out to middlemen.(...)
“Everything can be taken from a man but one thing: the last of the human freedoms — to choose one’s attitude in any given set of circumstances, to choose one’s own way.”— Viktor E. Frankl
https://www.hks.harvard.edu/more/policycast/happiness-age-grievance-and-fear

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Re:PPCC: Pisitófilos Creditófagos. Primavera 2024
« Respuesta #2246 en: Mayo 28, 2024, 19:02:56 pm »
https://www.ft.com/content/6f97af16-9dad-48ce-80df-8e24c0338333

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Israeli tanks enter central Rafah

Eyewitnesses report IDF taking positions in Gaza’s southernmost city despite international condemnation
“Everything can be taken from a man but one thing: the last of the human freedoms — to choose one’s attitude in any given set of circumstances, to choose one’s own way.”— Viktor E. Frankl
https://www.hks.harvard.edu/more/policycast/happiness-age-grievance-and-fear

Suavesito_Papi

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Re:PPCC: Pisitófilos Creditófagos. Primavera 2024
« Respuesta #2247 en: Mayo 28, 2024, 19:15:35 pm »
SUBID LOS PUTOS TIPOS HASTA QUE REVIENTE.
YA.

Son los Estados los que deben gestionar el reventón de los "activos".
Los BBCC sólo gestionan la "inflación" real.

Los BBCC lo están diciendo por activa y por pasiva:

los Estados deben reventar lo que permite la inflación (fiscal) de los "activos" : planificando la unión fiscal, las fusiones continentales (bancos, telecos), las reformas de las leyes del suelo edificable.

Eso no se hace con tipos. Se hace planificando la fiscalidad, Restableciendo la primacía del impuesto público sobre el impuesto privado. Porque el Pisito es la privatización del impuesto.

Pero requiere voluntad politica, Que por ahora, es foránea. Fijaos cómo Zelensky se lleva 1000 ml a costa de los impuestos de los Españoles. Lo consigue porque España obedece. Incluso va el Rey a recibirlo, y P.Sanchez firma el cheque.

Vayan a votar. Tras votar, hagamos una sentada en Estraburgo.
Pero dentro del Parlamento, no a las puertas. y por nuestros representantes.
Asegurémonos de que sea divertido, sin llorar a los BBCC.

Anda que no pueden. Si mañana Lagarde sube medio punto y da un comunicado de prensa diciendo que o los estados le ponen freno a esta locura o en la siguiente reunión sube otro medio, ya veríamos qué rápido se acababa la tontería.

¿Competís conmigo politicuchos y banqueros de medio pelo? Os voy a enseñar quién tiene la sartén por el mango.

Y se les avisa que como vuelvan a las andadas el BCE se pensará muy mucho financiar a los bancos de los estados que no cumplan.

Ahora resulta que el BCE no tiene poder ninguno y que no puede doblegar a cuatro ladrilleros y sus políticos en nómina.

Poder claro que pueden, sobretodo porque al subir los tipos, indirectamente también subirá la prima de riesgo de muchos estados.

Lo que pasa es que no interesa. A Lagarde la han puesto ahí los mismos que no quieren que se tire abajo todo el chiringuito. Yo tengo la teoría de que en Occidente se empezó a meter cash en lo inmobiliario cuando emepezó la deslocalización Industrial hacia Asia. Si no hay econocmía productiva, de donde se van a recoger dividendos?

Toda la economía viró hacia los "servicios" y el Real State. Pues nada, ahora que nos den de comer los servicios y el Real State. Ya se vió durante el Covid o ahora durante la guerra de Ucrania. Que produce Europa? Nada... pues a ver quién es el que le dice al Rey que está desnudo...

Una pista: lagarde no va a ser, no quiere ser la mala de la película. Todos actuan como que hacen algo, y no se hace nada. En ningún país, en ningún nivel. Y así estamos.

Esto que dice Vd. es exactamente lo mismo que dice El Confidencial aquí:

https://www.elconfidencial.com/cultura/2024-05-27/senoritos-siglo-xxi-ricos-clases-altas-escapa_3890292/ 

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Re:PPCC: Pisitófilos Creditófagos. Primavera 2024
« Respuesta #2248 en: Mayo 28, 2024, 19:54:37 pm »
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-05-28/eu-nears-deal-on-failed-lenders-in-path-to-closer-banking-ties

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EU Nears Deal on Failed Lenders in Path to Closer Banking Ties

Agreement by governments could come as soon as next month
German reservations have largely been addressed, sources say


The European Union is nearing a deal on measures that would make it easier to wind down smaller lenders that run into trouble, according to people familiar with the matter.

Governments may reach a deal on the crisis management and deposit insurance framework next month after addressing some concerns of countries including Germany, said one of the people, who asked to remain anonymous as an agreement has yet to be reached. Talks to hammer out the details together with other European authorities will probably continue into next year, they said.

Such a move would be a key step to regain momentum in deadlocked talks over forging closer banking ties in the region and ultimately facilitate cross-border bank mergers.

European banking fractured along national lines after the 2008 credit crunch and efforts to put in place the architecture needed for a truly unified market ran out of steam in recent years. The package that governments are set to agree on is commonly-viewed as a key step toward deeper and even thornier reforms such as a system of joint deposit insurance like the one that exists in the US.

France and Germany have recently sought to revive the issue of banking ties. The two countries’ leaders — Emmanuel Macron and Olaf Scholz — are discussing the matter during a state visit this week.

Last year, the EU’s executive arm suggested tapping national deposit protection funds to bridge gaps at failing banks that don’t have sufficient reserves of their own. Germany’s mass of smaller savings and cooperative banks slammed the plan, saying it would undermine the systems they have in place to protect savers.

Germany still has reservations on the use of such funds because it could weaken rules on forcing losses on a failed bank’s investors, said one of the people. Still, a deal is likely because negotiators are set to agree on strict conditions for when a bank that runs into trouble is sent into resolution, rather than being wound down under national insolvency laws, they said.

While the talks have been cumbersome, discussions on pooling deposit insurance are likely to be even more difficult. A related plan approved by a committee of European lawmakers in April drew swift criticism from German bank lobbyists.

German officials say the banking union isn’t just about deposit insurance and that work is needed in other areas, such as rules that would address banks’ large holdings of bonds issued by governments in their home markets.
“Everything can be taken from a man but one thing: the last of the human freedoms — to choose one’s attitude in any given set of circumstances, to choose one’s own way.”— Viktor E. Frankl
https://www.hks.harvard.edu/more/policycast/happiness-age-grievance-and-fear

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Re:PPCC: Pisitófilos Creditófagos. Primavera 2024
« Respuesta #2249 en: Mayo 28, 2024, 20:15:07 pm »
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-05-28/blackstone-buys-1-billion-mortgage-portfolio-from-germany-s-pbb

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Blackstone Buys $1 Billion Mortgage Portfolio From Germany’s PBB

Blackstone Inc. has bought a $1 billion mortgage portfolio from Deutsche Pfandbriefbank AG as the German real estate lender grapples with the impact of volatile commercial real estate markets.

The portfolio comprises of 11 loans secured against performing multifamily, office and hospitality assets in the US and UK, Blackstone said in a statement on Tuesday. Its real estate debt strategies unit is acquiring the assets on an all-cash basis, Blackstone said, without disclosing what it is paying for the loans.

The sale comes as part of a broader strategy by PBB to manage its balance sheet through divesting assets. The lender became one of the most prominent examples of European banks hit by fears that troubles in the US commercial property markets are spreading to Europe.
“Everything can be taken from a man but one thing: the last of the human freedoms — to choose one’s attitude in any given set of circumstances, to choose one’s own way.”— Viktor E. Frankl
https://www.hks.harvard.edu/more/policycast/happiness-age-grievance-and-fear

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