www.transicionestructural.NET es un nuevo foro, que a partir del 25/06/2012 se ha separado de su homónimo .COM. No se compartirán nuevos mensajes o usuarios a partir de dicho día.
0 Usuarios y 1 Visitante están viendo este tema.
No sé si es buena idea que Schaeuble y otros bocas de la troika se pongan a humillar y porculizar en público a Syriza.Es como si quisieran provocar la reacción más tremendista e irracional, invitarles al zambombazo. No entiendo. Sólo me lo explico si supieran algún motivo por el que es materialmente imposible que pase nada. ¿Realmente es posible que lo tengan absolutamente "todo controlado"?
Argentina desmiente tajantemente al MiFin galo acerca de que son los paises más pequeños del FMI los que exigen mano dura con Grecia. Argentina Kirtchner y su MIFin reafirman su solidaridad con Grecia.http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/carnet/2015-07-01-L-Argentine-dementNo sé en España, pero en Francia se observa que por turnos, los politicos de ambos bandos dicen la misma frase: que el FMI actúa así con Grecia por la presión de los pequeños países.... La lucha libre mexicana, pero cuando vienen dadas, se parapetan detrás de la misa mesa.(Les han dictado las declaraciones.)
Schäuble pensará que el pueblo griego no es soberano, como tampoco lo es el alemán.Pero la pregunta es que si ningún Estado en Europa es ya soberano, entonces ¿quién lo es? Si la UE es ya la nueva entidad política soberana, entonces no puede llover a gusto de todos claro. Pero, ¿lo es? Y si no, ¿quién lo es?
Cita de: lectorhinfluyente1984 en Julio 01, 2015, 18:25:05 pmSchäuble pensará que el pueblo griego no es soberano, como tampoco lo es el alemán.Pero la pregunta es que si ningún Estado en Europa es ya soberano, entonces ¿quién lo es? Si la UE es ya la nueva entidad política soberana, entonces no puede llover a gusto de todos claro. Pero, ¿lo es? Y si no, ¿quién lo es?Los USA.
Zoom out a bit from the gushing river of breaking news about Greece’s fiscal future, and here’s the big picture of what looks to have happened in Athens on Wednesday.Alexis Tsipras, the Greek prime minister, has spent the last six months, since his left-wing Syriza party came to power, trying to shift the entire political framework of his country’s bailout negotiations. That effort has failed. By indicating that his government could accept much of what Greece’s creditors demanded as conditions for a bailout extension late last week, Mr. Tsipras seems to have finally acknowledged this inability to reset the terms of debate over austerity and democracy in Europe.For five years, the simple trade-off offered by the richer European countries and the European Central Bank has been this: If Greece accepts massive austerity — like pension cuts and layoffs of government employees — it can remain in the eurozone with the help of bailouts, with central bank credit extended to Greek banks, and so on. Austerity was the price to be paid for keeping the monetary stability created by the euro currency.
Mr. Tsipras believes — and plenty of American and British economists are sympathetic to this view — that this trade-off was driven by bad economics and had disastrous human consequences. Austerity without debt write-downs created a depression, making the debt burden even harder to handle.So instead of accepting the basic trade-off that creditors have been offering Greece for five years, with those disastrous results, Mr. Tsipras has tried to create an environment in which European leaders would have to rethink their understanding of the proper trade-offs for Greece.That’s why you have things like this opinion article Mr. Tsipras wrote for The Irish Times in January. Or this article by Mr. Tsipras in the French newspaper Le Monde last month, arguing that “the issue of Greece does not only concern Greece; rather, it is the very epicenter of conflict between two diametrically opposing strategies concerning the future of European unification.”Why would a Greek politician with countless problems on the domestic front bother writing op-eds for newspapers in Ireland or France? Both articles, and many more public and private efforts by Mr. Tsipras and his allies, have been part of a concerted effort to persuade other countries to join a coalition to reject the German-led focus on austerity above all else.But the effort has failed. The deal on offer from creditors late last week, before the Greek government walked away from negotiations and called a referendum, fit the same basic framework of trading austerity for bailouts of earlier deals, even if it made some adjustments around the edges to lessen some of the pain.The Greek government was surely hoping that by walking away and calling a referendum, the creditors would rethink their intransigence, fearful of the economic and geopolitical consequences of letting Greece leave the eurozone. If anything, it pushed Germany and France, as well as Spain and Italy, closer together, full of exasperation with the Greeks’ negotiating style and aggressive demands.
For the clearest example of how deeply this strategy has failed, consider comments published Tuesday by the Italian prime minister Matteo Renzi, who would seem to be a prime target to reshift the framework of Europe’s negotiations along Greek-favored lines.“The point is that Greece may get different conditions, but it has to abide by the rules,” Mr. Renzi told Il Sole 24 Ore, according to a BBC translation. “It’s not the case that we have taken early retirement pensions away from the people of Italy just to allow the Greeks to have them! We have brought in labor reform, but it is not the case that, with our money, a number of Greek shipowners can continue not to pay taxes. I could go on.”Mr. Renzi fretted over the precedents if there were a radical rethinking of Greece’s deal: “If there is a mass get-out clause over the rules, what will happen in Spain in October? And in France in a year and a half? It is one thing to ask for flexibility amid abidance by the rules. It is another thing to think that one is the craftiest of them all, in other words to be the one that does not abide by the rules. We want to save Greece. But the people of Greece also have to want that.”Mr. Tsipras was hoping that the threat of a Greek exit would get Europe to blink. The opposite seemed to happen.Against that backdrop, his choices were limited. He could either reopen the negotiations within the basic framework the creditors demanded, or face being the prime minister who drove Greece away from Europe, losing his own job, or both.He chose the former. But with the country already having missed a debt payment to the International Monetary Fund and events unfolding quickly and unpredictably, the question now is whether he was too late.
[...] Mr. Tsipras believes — and plenty of American and British economists are sympathetic to this view — that this trade-off was driven by bad economics and had disastrous human consequences. Austerity without debt write-downs created a depression, making the debt burden even harder to handle. [...]
Los USA.