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Autor Tema: Exministros Griegos y el Blanqueo de 10.200 millones de Euros  (Leído 5926 veces)

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Exministros Griegos y el Blanqueo de 10.200 millones de Euros
« en: Septiembre 23, 2012, 19:47:55 pm »
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  GRECIA DEBE AHORRAR 20.000 MILLONES PARA RECIBIR MÁS AYUDA

Acusan a exministros griegos de haber blanqueado 10.200 millones de euros
 




Acusan a exministros griegos de haber blanqueado 10.200 millones de euros

Protesta de trabajadores siderúrgicos en Atenas (Efe).     

Agencias 23/09/2012   (12:16h)   
 
 El actual presidente del Parlamento griego y dos exministros, los tres  pertenecientes al gobernante partido Nueva Democracia (ND), han sido acusados  por varios testimonios ante un juez de estar implicados en el blanqueo de 10.200  millones de euros, según informa hoy el dominical Real News. El periódico  asegura que, según testimonios ante un juez y ante la Agencia de Persecución de  Evasión Fiscal (SDOE), el blanqueo de dinero habría tenido lugar entre 2005 y  2008, durante el anterior gobierno de la conservadora ND.

El diario, que  cita declaraciones del copropietario y del representante legal del grupo de  inversiones inmobiliarias Karuzos, que quebró en agosto de 2010, asegura que en  el blanqueo estuvieron implicados el actual presidente del Parlamento, Yorgos  Meimarakis, así como Yorgos Vulgaris y Mijalis Liapis.

En el citado  período los tres eran ministros -Meimarakis fue ministro de Defensa, Liapis  ocupó la cartera de Tansportes y Vulgarakis las de Orden Público (2004-2006),  Cultura (2006-2007) y Marina Comercial (2007-2008)-, y niegan las  acusaciones. "El verdadero objetivo de la creación del Grupo Karuzos era  el blanqueo de dinero de exministros cuyos ministerios acordaban contratos  importantes", cita el rotativo uno de los testimonios.

Los ministros  habrían cobrado comisiones ilegales y el grupo Karuzo se encargaba de sacar ese  dinero del país y depositarlo en paraísos fiscales. Meimarakis ha  anunciado en un comunicado que mañana visitará "al fiscal del Tribunal Supremo  para pedirle que ese asunto se aclare lo antes posible".

Liapis, por su  parte, ha señalado que presentará mañana "una demanda por difamación", y  Vulgarakis, que fue obligado a presentar su dimisión al cargo en 2008, cuando  salió a la luz que era propietario de una serie de compañías "off shore", ha  desmentido también, vía Twitter, su implicación en el caso.

Estas  acusaciones llegan en un momento de creciente malestar social, por las medidas  sucesivas de severos recortes del gasto público, especialmente de salarios y  pensiones, que han provocado una recesión sin precedentes y el incremento del  desempleo hasta el 24%.


http://www.elconfidencial.com/mundo/2012/09/23/acusan-a-exministros-griegos-de-haber-blanqueado-10200-millones-de-euros-105974/

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Joan Queralt: "Me gustaría conocer la cantidad de empresas españolas de los últimos 25 años relacionadas con el crimen organizado. Nos llevaríamos una sorpresa."

Dimitris Christoulas: “Algún día los jóvenes cogerán las armas y colgarán a los traidores”

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Re:Exministros Griegos y el Blanqueo de 10.200 millones de Euros
« Respuesta #1 en: Septiembre 24, 2012, 23:16:59 pm »
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Acusado de corrupción

 Dimite temporalmente el presidente del Parlamento griego

El presidente del Parlamento griego, Vangelis Meimarakis, presentó hoy una renuncia "temporal" de su cargo, tras haberse hecho público el fin de semana que es investigado junto a otros dos exministros por blanqueo de dinero de unos 10.200 millones de euros.               

Efe - Atenas -
24/09/2012 - 20:22

  El presidente de la cámara de representantes griegos solicitó a sus subalternos de la mesa del Parlamento que se hagan cargo de forma temporal de sus funciones mientras dure la investigación, según un comunicado citado por la web informativa NewsIt.gr.

Meimerakis visitó hoy el Tribunal Supremo, al que pidió "rapidez" a la hora de investigar el caso, que por el momento se encuentra en manos de la Policía Financiera (SDOE).

"Haré lo que sea necesario para demostrar la verdad", afirmó, a la vez que dijo que se reserva "el derecho a emprender las acciones legales oportunas" contra el dominical 'Real News', que ayer sacó a la luz el caso.

El periódico aseguró que, según declaraciones de testigos ante un juez y ante la SDOE, el blanqueo de dinero habría tenido lugar entre 2005 y 2008, durante el anterior gobierno de la conservadora Nueva Democracia (ND), nuevamente ahora en el poder aunque con el apoyo de otros dos partidos.

El diario citó declaraciones del copropietario y del representante legal del grupo de inversiones inmobiliarias Karuzos, que quebró en agosto de 2010, y asegura que en el blanqueo estuvieron implicados, además de Meimarakis, Yorgos Vulgaris y Mijalis Liapis.

En aquel período los tres eran ministros -Meimarakis fue ministro de Defensa, Liapis ocupó la cartera de Transportes y Vulgarakis las de Orden Público (2004-2006), Cultura (2006-2007) y Marina Mercante (2007-2008).

"El verdadero objetivo de la creación del Grupo Karuzos era el lavado de dinero de exministros cuyos ministerios acordaban contratos importantes", cita uno de los testigos en el reportaje del rotativo.

Los ministros habrían cobrado comisiones ilegales, y el grupo Karuzo se encargaba de sacar ese dinero del país y depositarlo en paraísos fiscales.


http://www.cincodias.com/articulo/economia/dimite-temporalmente-presidente-parlamento-griego/20120924cdscdseco_6/


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« última modificación: Septiembre 24, 2012, 23:18:32 pm por CdE »
Joan Queralt: "Me gustaría conocer la cantidad de empresas españolas de los últimos 25 años relacionadas con el crimen organizado. Nos llevaríamos una sorpresa."

Dimitris Christoulas: “Algún día los jóvenes cogerán las armas y colgarán a los traidores”

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Re:Exministros Griegos y el Blanqueo de 10.200 millones de Euros
« Respuesta #2 en: Octubre 02, 2012, 21:28:49 pm »
Grecia consigue y después extravía un CD con 2000 defraudadores en Suiza


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El primer ministro conservador Andónis Samarás dejó bien claro en la entrevista en el semanal «To Víma» al cumplirse los cien primeros días de su gobierno que existía tolerancia cero para la corrupción. Lo afirmó cuando se le preguntó sobre la publicación de mas de 30 nombres de politicos en activo o retirados, que supuestamente se encuentran investigados por la Brigada de Delitos Fiscales, conocida como SDOE según sus iniciales griegas.

Samarás insistió que «existirá transparencia completa y se dará a conocer todo de inmediato, revelándose la verdad completa. Todavía no se conocen mas detalles sobre esta investigación, pero también se está estudiando otro caso relacionado con la evasión de impuestos:el de un CD con detalles de casi 2.000 griegos con cuentas bancarias en Suiza y más concretamente en una sucursal del banco HSBC en Ginebra.

La existencia de este CD ha sido confirmada al periódico Financial Times por Yorgos Papaconstantinu, el ministro de Finanzas en el primer gobierno socialista. Le fue entregado en el 2010 despues de pedírselo a la mismísima Christine Lagarde,que era entonces ministra de Finanzas francesa. En este documento figuraban también los nombres de numerosos ciudadanos franceses,españoles y alemanes y el ministro confirmó que entregó la lista entera de los griegos a la brigada financiera.

El actual ministro Yanis Sturnáras afirmó que pedirá una nueva copia a los socios europeos si no aparece el documento digital, que nadie consigue encontrar en el ministerio. Asimismo se ha anunciado la firma de un acuerdo para compartir información con las autoridades helvéticas sobre los depósitos bancarios de ciudadanos griegos en Suiza.


http://www.abc.es/20121002/economia/abci-grecia-fraude-disco-201210012210.html

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Re:Exministros Griegos y el Blanqueo de 10.200 millones de Euros
« Respuesta #3 en: Octubre 05, 2012, 00:40:38 am »
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GRECIA  | Causas desconocidas

 El ex secretario de Estado heleno se quita la vida 


Dpa
| Atenas
 Actualizado jueves 04/10/2012 21:51 horas   

El ex secretario de Estado griego, Leonidas Tzannis, se suicidó, según ha confirmado a Dpa una portavoz del Movimiento Socialista Panhelénico (Pasok). La funcionaria se negó a hacer comentarios sobre la causa del suicidio, pero dijo que Tzannis no dejó una carta.

Los medios de comunicación en Grecia relacionan el suicidio de Tzannis con acusaciones de lavado de dinero. El nombre del ex secretario de Estado había aparecido recientemente en una lista de políticos presuntamente implicados en escándalos de lavado de dinero. Tzannis es el primer político griego que se suicida tras el estallido de la grave crisis financiera en el país.


http://www.elmundo.es/elmundo/2012/10/04/internacional/1349380311.html

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Joan Queralt: "Me gustaría conocer la cantidad de empresas españolas de los últimos 25 años relacionadas con el crimen organizado. Nos llevaríamos una sorpresa."

Dimitris Christoulas: “Algún día los jóvenes cogerán las armas y colgarán a los traidores”

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Re:Exministros Griegos y el Blanqueo de 10.200 millones de Euros
« Respuesta #4 en: Octubre 24, 2012, 21:35:15 pm »
Piraeus Bank absorbe la parte "buena" de banco público por 95 millones euros


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Atenas, 30 jul (EFECOM).- Piraeus Bank, la cuarta entidad financiera de Grecia, hizo hoy efectiva la absorción de la parte "buena" del Banco Agrícola de Grecia (ATE), de propiedad pública, a cambio de 95 millones de euros, explicó el banco comprador en un comunicado.

ATE, una entidad dedicada fundamentalmente a los créditos al sector de la agricultura griega, se hallaba en proceso de liquidación y había sido dividida, según las características de sus activos, en un banco bueno y uno malo.

De acuerdo al comunicado de Piraeus, este banco asumirá la red de oficinas de ATE, que seguirán operando bajo esa marca, con el total de los depósitos (14.300 millones de euros) y obligaciones hacia otros bancos y otros organismos por valor de 7.100 millones de euros, lo que en total eleva el pasivo del banco agrícola "bueno" hasta los 21.400 millones de euros.

También Piraeus Bank adquiere activos del Banco Agrícola por valor de 14.700 millones de euros, divididos entre 10.600 millones en préstamos y 4.100 millones de euros en otros activos.

Sin embargo, y según anunció el Banco Central de Grecia (BoG), los créditos con riesgo de morosidad o en impago de ATE no serán asumidos por Piraeus sino por el Estado griego.

Con todo, el ATE necesitará una recapitalización de 8.000 millones que llegarán del Fondo Nacional de Estabilidad Financiera, griego, que a su vez se financia con el dinero del préstamo otorgado por los socios europeos y a través de los mecanismos de liquidez establecidos por la UE.

Además de la red de oficinas de ATE, Piraeus Bank adquiere la filial del Banco Agrícola en Rumanía y sus participaciones en el banco serbio AIK Bank, en el pequeño banco privado griego FBB y en la compañía de seguros Agrotiki Insurances.

Según el portal Capital.gr, el banco malo de ATE, cuyo coste será asumido enteramente por el Estado, consiste principalmente en la Industria Griega del Azúcar, la tabaquera SEKAP y la compañía de productos lácteos Dodoni.

Todas esas compañías serán posteriormente privatizadas por el Fondo de Explotación de las Propiedades de la República Helénica (TAIPED), el organismo privatizador establecido dentro del programa de ajustes exigidos por la troika.

Piraeus Bank deberá pagar en torno a unos 90 millones de euros en compensaciones a los trabajadores de ATE ya que estos serán despedidos para ser asumidos por la plantilla de Piraeus.

Además, según el comunicado, Piraeus se compromete a "garantizar" los 3.000 puestos de trabajo de ATE sin reducir los salarios.

Sin embargo, los empleados de ATE no se han mostrados satisfechos con el acuerdo y han anunciado una huelga de 24 horas para mañana.

También el principal partido de la oposición, la izquierda radical de Syriza, ha pedido un debate parlamentario sobre la privatización de ATE ya que considera que el proceso se ha llevado sin la transparencia necesaria.

http://www.expansion.com/agencia/efe/2012/07/30/17491023.html


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El escándalo de la venta del Banco Agrícola al Banco del Pireo

El 27 de julio de 2012, el Banco Agrícola (ATE) con procedimientos de «vía rápida» (fast track) se vende por 95 millones de euros (si tan sólo su propiedad inmobiliaria cuesta casi 1 billón de euros) al banquero griego Salas, nutrido del Estado y experto en el lavado de dinero.

El proceso de venta se hace de una manera completamente oscura, ya que el ministro de Finanzas (Sturnaras) y el director del Banco de Grecia (Provópulos) andan diciendo por todos los medios posibles que el banco no es sostenible, sin presentar ninguna prueba de esto. Según ellos los datos son “confidenciales” así que no “se ponga en peligro”, siempre según sus palabras, el funcionamiento de los bancos. Todo fue decidido por el Banco Central Europeo y por el mismo Provópulos (ex accionista y director del Banco del Pireo). Los autores de la vent están jurídicamente protegidos y librados de cualquier responsabilidad, incluso civil, acorde con la Ley 4021/2011, aprobada cuando era ministro del gobierno el actual líder del Pasok Venizelos.

El Banco Agrícola se califica insostenible, si según varios informes cumple con los criterios de un  funcionamiento sano y nunca ha capitalizado sus intereses con dinero del Estado (siendo un banco estatal), en oposición al Banco del Pireo, el cual ha recibido muchos millones de euros a través del proceso de la capitalización de sus intereses. Así de fácil pues, el Banco Agrícola es dividido en una parte “buena” y otra “mala” y al mismo tiempo le presta al Banco del Pireo 300 millones de euros por motivos de liquidez (al mismo tiempo que se vende por 95 millones de euros). La parte “buena” va al Banco del Pireo por supuesto, haciéndose con todas sus hipotecas y la propiedad de tierras, es decir, con el 40% de la tierra explotable rural y agrícola de Grecia.

La reacción del partido neonazi Jrisí Avgí (Aurora Dorada) a la venta de la tierra griega que tanto defiende…

Aurora Dorada bloquea la celebración de la reunión de la Comisión de Asuntos Económicos, sobre el escándalo del Banco Agrícola, con su voto en contra de la investigación del asunto, junto con los diputados de los partidos de la coalición del gobierno Nueva Democracia, Izquierda Democrática y Pasok, pero al mismo tiempo no deja de llamar ladrones, traidores y canallas a estos diputados en sus actuaciones en el Parlamento. ¿Alguien se ha preguntado cuáles son los intereses a los que sirve el partido fascista Jrisí Avgí (Aurora Dorada)? ¿Los de los agricultores o acaso los de los banqueros y de las élites económicas? Aurora Dorada de momento no ha tomado una posición sobre el tema.

El escándalo de las Sociedades Anónimas Deportivas de Fútbol

El 30 de agosto de 2012 es presentada en el Parlamento una enmienda favorable sobre la regulación de las deudas de las Sociedades Anónimas Deportivas de Fútbol.

La enmienda fue incorporada a un decreto de ley, violando las reglas de funcionamiento del Parlamento. Con esta enmienda, los políticos sistémicos les dan a los empresarios propietarios de sociedades anónimas deportivas la posibilidad de pagar lo que quieran de sus deudas y cuando lo quieran. La enmienda fue votada por los partidos sistémicos de la coalición gubernamental, por el partido derechista Griegos Independientes y por los diputados del partido neonazi Jrisí Avgí (Aurora Dorada).

Así pues, se les dio a las Sociedades Anónimas Deportivas la posibilidad de evadir impuestos por ley, de seguir estando en funcionamiento y de blanquear dinero, al tiempo que el trabajador normal y corriente no es capaz siquiera de sobrevivir, siendo golpeado por el ataque despiadado que ha estado recibiendo durante los últimos años.

http://verba-volant.info/es/la-demagogia-y-las-mentiras-de-los-fascistas-anti-sistemicos-del-partido-neonazi-amanecer-dorado/


Los nazis dorados demostrando que son parte del plan de la casta, pese a que haya tantos burbujistas que se corran solo de verlos.  ::)


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Michalis Sallas, executive chairman of Piraeus Bank, Greece's fourth largest, and Sophia Staikou are a Greek power couple, symbols of the fast-growth years after the country joined the euro in 2001.

But an investigation of public documents, including financial statements and property records, shows the couple may also be emblematic of the lack of transparency and weak corporate governance that have fueled Greece's financial problems.

Greek banks will soon be recapitalized with an estimated 30 billion to 50 billion euros, part of the country's second bailout, backed by the International Monetary Fund and European taxpayers. Analysts estimate Piraeus will take about 3 billion to 3.5 billion euros.

Sallas was put in charge of Piraeus by the government 21 years ago, before the bank was privatized. He owns about 1.5 percent of the bank, whose stock price has plunged 97 percent since its peak in 2007.

But Sallas and his wife and his two children have also run a series of private investment companies that public records show have sealed millions of euros in real estate business with Piraeus, deals that were not disclosed to shareholders.

In wealthy locations in Athens and its suburbs and on at least one Greek island, these companies bought properties with loans from Piraeus and then rented at least seven of the buildings back to the bank, which used them as branches. Piraeus also bought properties from the companies and financed other buyers to buy properties from them.

Among the most unusual deals were transactions involving companies linked to Staikou, Sallas' children Giorgos and Myrto, as well as key former Piraeus executives. These centered on the sale to Piraeus in April 2006 of three different properties, via three different private businessmen. According to property records, each of the businessmen bought a property for a knock-down price from the family companies and then sold them on to Piraeus for more than double that price. On paper, they generated a 160 percent total cash profit for the men, nearly 6 million euros, within the space of three weeks.

According to real estate and legal experts in Athens, a pattern of quick sales is often used in complex tax avoidance schemes. Such deals are legal if all taxes were paid. But one businessman named in the sales documents told Reuters his name had been used without his knowledge. He had "never owned property in Athens in my life," he said.

Neither Piraeus nor Sallas would answer questions about the property deals, saying they were unable to do so because of an ongoing legal case against an ex-Piraeus employee. Matthew Saltmarsh, a UK-based spokesman for the bank, told Reuters that Greek banks had become "the most thoroughly audited financial institutions in the world," and there was no reason to question Piraeus' governance.

But property records show the deals linked to Sallas were opaque and raise questions about how cleanly the lines between his family and Piraeus Bank were drawn. They also provide a window into some of the often byzantine money-making schemes that characterized what one Athens real-estate agent calls the "crazy times" - the years between the stock market boom in 1999 and the crash in 2009, a span that included Greece's entry into the Euro and its hosting of the 2004 Olympics.

"It's nothing compared to what was happening back then," a businessman who helped run one of the Sallas' family companies said of the property deals. "It would be unfair to limit your research to Sallas and Piraeus. Everybody in the business knows that there are other banks that used similar tricks to do much worse things than buying and selling a bank branch."

"This period of time was a crazy party for some."

SUNK BY THE COUNTRY

Greek banks have long had a reputation for being conservative. In the past decade they mostly avoided the excesses - investment in sub-prime debt and complex derivatives - of U.S. and other Western banks.

In "Boomerang," his 2011 book on the European debt crisis, former Wall Street trader Michael Lewis argues that Greece's banks were laid low not by their own misbehavior but by the collapse in value of the sovereign debt they had been pushed by their government to purchase.

"In Greece the banks didn't sink the country. The country sank the banks," writes Lewis.

Still, the banks in Greece played a key part in creating the bubble that helped Athens convince the world it could afford its ever-growing pile of debt.

Piraeus was among the fastest growing of those banks. Privatized in 1991, it expanded its total assets, including loans, from less than the equivalent of 4 billion euros in 1998 to 57 billion euros in 2010. Aggressive and willing to innovate, Piraeus swallowed several smaller lenders as well as branches of foreign banks in Greece. It expanded into the Balkans and bought the Marathon National Bank of New York.

Like other Greek banks, Piraeus is now struggling to deal with a massive funding gap, the result of lost access to interbank borrowing and falling deposits as many Greeks citizens withdraw their savings.

Saltmarsh, the bank's spokesman, said the loan book of all the banks had been examined in the last few months in an independent audit commissioned by the Bank of Greece and carried out by Blackrock, a U.S.-based asset management firm. The size of the banks' bad loans and the amount of new capital they required, he said, would be "resolved in the most public of ways" when the Bank of Greece publishes capital-raising requirements across the sector sometime in the coming weeks.

A spokesman for Blackrock said they had examined all "Greek domestic debt assets held onshore or in foreign branches", but they declined to discuss their conclusions. The Bank of Greece, which regulates the country's banking system, said Blackrock's terms of reference were confidential. The Bank failed to respond to repeated separate requests to identify what rules of disclosure and conflicts of interest applied to Greek banks, or to questions about the Piraeus property deals.

Last year, with attention focused on Greek banks and their role in the country's crisis, several Greek newspapers and blogs reported on the existence of a series of private companies, some offshore, that were allegedly loaned up to 250 million euros by Piraeus and whose debts appeared to have been written off. The reports included articles in a widely-read anonymous blog called WikiGreeks.org and Kathimerini, a newspaper.

The origin of the reports appears to be a vague one-page document, of unproven provenance, listing 21 companies. This is now at the centre of a criminal complaint filed in the Greek courts by Piraeus against a former employee, Angeliki Agoulou, a one-time branch official. The bank accuses her of embezzling money from savings accounts and spreading false information.

"Piraeus believes this to be a falsified document distributed to entities including WikiGreeks by a disgruntled ex-employee as part of that employee's continuing attempt to intimidate Piraeus Bank into dropping legal action against that ex-employee related to an alleged serious fraud perpetrated against Piraeus Bank," the bank said, referring to Agoulou's case.

Agoulou denies any wrongdoing and insists the document is genuine.

Agoulou and the contents of the document are now under official investigation by both Greece's financial police and national anti-money laundering department, the Financial Intelligence Unit, according to one senior Greek official.

BOARD MEMBERS

Reuters examined publicly available data to try to establish independently if the companies linked to Piraeus existed and, if they did, what business they were in.

Greek companies, whether public or private, are not required to publicly register all their shareholders and there is no public register of directorships. But an inspection of the Greek government's official gazette, where company announcements and financial results are published, showed an extensive network of private interests connected both to Sallas and his family, and to several former senior executives at Piraeus.

In all, Reuters identified 11 companies in which members of the Sallas family have served on the board of directors, including four mentioned on the disputed document allegedly leaked by Agoulou. Sallas' wife Staikou served as a director on nine of them, including at least six as chairman, while Sallas' children Giorgos and Myrto each served on four. Sallas himself was not a director of any of them.

As well as the family, Konstantinos Liapis was just one of many former Piraeus executives who served on the companies' boards. Liapis, who was financial director of the bank from 2004 until 2006 before becoming vice-general manager until 2009, served on the boards of eight of the companies in all. Stylianos Niotis, a manager of the shipping department until 2009, served on four.

An examination of Piraeus' public declarations since 1999 appears to acknowledge only two of the companies, both property management firms: Erechtheas Investment and Holdings SA, which was bought by the bank at the end of 2009 and listed as a new subsidiary; and a 2004 mention of MGS (which happen to be Sallas' initials), in which Sallas held 73.76 percent of shares.

Reuters was unable to locate any disclosures by the bank of any property purchases, rents or sales involving the private companies, despite the apparent links with the chairman and despite public documents showing the companies regularly did business with Piraeus.

Several accounting experts said deals such as rental agreements or the sale of real estate between the companies and the bank should have been defined as "related party transactions." Under the International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS), adopted by Piraeus in 2005, such transactions should have been disclosed publicly in the bank's financial statements so as to highlight any potential conflicts of interest.

The accounts do show, as required by the IFRS, a global declaration of loans to directors and executives and their families, peaking at 244 million euros in 2008, 0.64 percent of the bank's then total loans and advances to customers. Several Greek banks show high levels of such loans to executives.

But outside the global declaration of loans, Piraeus accounts do not mention any property transactions between the bank and any companies related to its directors, including MGS.

Brian Creighton, a UK-based director at BDO, a leading accounting firm, declined to comment on any specific case. But under the version of the IFRS rules that applied until last year, he said, loans or any case where a company director or close family member had a "significant influence" over another entity should have been disclosed. "Property sales, leases, loans and rent are among transactions that should be disclosed if they are between related parties," he said.

In its annual accounts, Piraeus often asserted that "the terms of the Bank's transactions with related parties are those that prevail in arm's length transactions and according to the financial procedures and policies of the Bank."

Grant Kirkpatrick, deputy head of corporate affairs at the Paris-based Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, said that banks had a particular duty to be transparent about lending activities.

"The fact there are family members on the board of a company doing business with a bank is enough to suggest a potential conflict of interest," he said. "The board of directors of the bank should have a very clear process to deal with such cases, and that process, and the details of any transactions, should be disclosed."

Former Piraeus financial director Liapis said he was confident Sallas and his family had declared everything they should. "A businessman has his own private activities or assets that he has to handle," Liapis said. "He only has to declare his so-called related interests and respect the ‘arms-length principle.' Everything was declared in the bank's statements. Otherwise, (do) you think that Price Waterhouse (the bank's external auditors) would sign Piraeus Bank accounts?"

PricewaterhouseCoopers declined to comment.

Piraeus and Sallas did not respond to repeated requests to identify any public declarations about the firms linked to Sallas.

BURIED TREASURE

Property is the foundation of almost all personal wealth in Greece, a country with one of the highest rates of home ownership in Europe. Land records are officially public, but routine access is restricted to practicing lawyers. Reuters worked with an Athens-based lawyer who searched for transactions recorded by the firms linked to Sallas' family.

Land records found by the lawyer and examined by Reuters show that six of the companies had bought at least 11 properties between 1998 and 2012 for a total of 14 million euros. Eight of the properties were subsequently sold.

The documents show that more than 28 million euros in loans, all from Piraeus, were secured on the buildings. One senior official at the Greek ministry of finance said that such a high ratio of loan to purchase price could indicate the loans were issued by Piraeus without sufficient collateral in place.

In all, seven of the 11 properties have been or are still used as Piraeus branches or offices. The rent the bank paid or pays for these properties couldn't be determined. But deeds found in the land registries show three references to rental contracts with Piraeus, one for 24,000 euros a month, another 11,400 euros a month, and the other unspecified.

Sallas declined to comment on the rental agreements.

Myrto Sallas, who sat on the boards of four of the private companies and heads the family's wine company, Semeli, referred all questions to her father and said she had no knowledge of any of the property deals.

"I can't help you with that; you can talk maybe better with my father," she said. "All the other companies are totally different from Piraeus Bank. They have nothing to do with that."

Giorgos Sallas could not be reached for comment.

Liapis, who now teaches at the Panteion University of Athens, said he had been a director of thousands of companies because "that's what accountants do."

Asked specifically about some of the companies he helped run - including Erechtheas, MS Investing, and MGS - Liapis confirmed he had been a director at each. "It is not a secret to whom they belong. You can even tell by the names sometimes."

Asked if that meant Sallas and his family, he confirmed: "Of course. There is nothing wrong with that."

Liapis said he had no conflict of interest since he had not worked at Piraeus between 2000 and 2004, the period in which he was a director on the boards of those companies.

When told records showed that he had remained a director of at least two family companies until at least 2006, after he returned to Piraeus, Liapis conceded that might be possible. "Yes, maybe," he said. "But still I didn't sign any transactions with Piraeus Bank. During my tenure as financial director, I had nothing to do with holding companies or real estate."

Liapis described his role as an agent of Sallas. "It is very simple," he said. In his position running Piraeus, Sallas could not be the director of another company "so he appointed me."

Liapis said many Greeks in high-profile positions were not honest in their declarations of assets; Sallas, in contrast, had been sincere and honest.

Niotis, the former Piraeus shipping adviser, said he retired from the bank in 2009. "During my career I accepted, at times, a number of, mostly, non-executive directorships in various companies of different remit. In none of these have I had ever any beneficial shareholding."

UNUSUAL TRANSACTIONS

Of all the transactions that involved the Sallas companies, perhaps the strangest were three prime properties in central Athens that Piraeus bought in April 2006 for a combined cost of 9.4 million euros.

One of the properties was the ground floor of an office building; the other two were townhouses. Each had belonged to one of three companies: MGS, Agallon, and Erechtheas. According to company accounts, Staikou then chaired MGS and has previously been a director of the other two.

In each case, the companies sold their properties to individuals who then sold them on within days. In all, the three Sallas family-connected companies declared a total of 4 million euros for their property sales. The new owners sold them for 2.05 million, 2.65 million and 4.7 million respectively. The buyer in each case? Piraeus Bank.

The properties were sold at what would prove to be the height of the property boom, according to Athens real estate experts, and the price paid by Piraeus was close, if not a little above, what was then the market price. "The bank would have lost money later when the price of property fell, but I am not sure it was cheated at the time," said one experienced agent, who advises the Bank of Greece.

Real estate agents, lawyers, and officials said that the deals could have been a complex attempt to buy properties indirectly from the family-connected companies. Others suggested it was simply a legal tax dodge.

In Greece, explained one senior tax official, most property is typically sold with part of the real price left undeclared and paid in cash. "The problem is when you want to sell the property again, if you declare the real price, then you are left with a huge capital gain to declare," he said.

One solution, he said, was to make use of an individual who, in return for a cut of profits, operated as a so-called "strawman" who could buy on the gray market, paying both the declared price and an extra portion in cash, and then selling on at the real price.

Piraeus would not comment on these three deals.

Stefanos Vasilakis, a public notary who said he helped draw up the purchase contracts for all three sales for Piraeus, said the reasons behind the complex arrangement "have to do with taxation."

"When a company sells a property, it has to pay capital gains tax, which is the difference between the property bought and the property sold. Maybe two sales would be more profitable than one because my capital gains tax would be smaller," he said.

Another tax official said that, under laws that applied briefly in 2006, capital gains tax for such deals was much lower, explaining the timing.

The businessmen who acted as intermediaries in two of the deals confirmed by email and phone that they took part.

The third case - the ground floor of an office block at 157 Mihalakopoulou Street in central Athens - is less straight forward.

MGS bought the property in 2003 for a declared total of 1.05 million euros. At the same time, Piraeus approved a loan to MGS of 2.4 million euros, secured on the property. MGS then got further cash from Piraeus by renting the property back as a bank branch for a monthly sum of 11,454 euros, according to later sale documents.

When it eventually sold the property in April 2006, MGS declared the sale price at 975,000 euros. According to the Athens real estate agent, this was "an extremely low price for those times. About two million euros would be a normal price."

The buyer listed in the sale documents was a Lebanese-born businessman based in London called Philip Moufarrige. Nine days after buying the building, Moufarrige sold it to Piraeus for 2.65 million euros, according to a contract in the land registry. A lawyer involved in the case confirmed to Reuters he had represented Moufarrige in his absence.

Moufarrige, who lives in London, expressed bafflement when reached for comment. The passport and family details recorded in the sales documents were accurate, he said, but the London address the documents listed was wrong.

"I have never owned property in Athens in my life," he said. "This was done without my knowledge."

http://uk.reuters.com/article/2012/04/02/us-greece-piraeus-idUKBRE83107P20120402


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Offshore companies owned by Michael Sallas and his two children paid for shares in the Piraeus Bank, the country's fourth-biggest, by borrowing money from a rival bank.

Together the shares make the Sallas family the largest shareholder in Piraeus, with a combined stake of over 6 percent. The purchase of these shares has not been declared to the Athens stock exchange by Piraeus.

The loans to Sallas, who was executive chairman of Piraeus Bank until last month and remains its non-executive chairman, raise new questions about the stability and supervision of the Greek financial system at a time when European taxpayers and the International Monetary Fund are bailing out its banks with more than 30 billion euros.

The IMF had no comment on the issue, and a spokesman for the Bank of Greece declined to comment on Sallas's holdings in Piraeus, citing banking confidentiality guidelines. "Our supervision department cannot comment on specific prudential data available or actions taken with regard to any specific bank as such information is confidential," he said.

According to audit reports seen by Reuters, most of the money borrowed by companies linked to Sallas was used to buy shares in a Piraeus Bank rights issue in January 2011. The issue was designed to strengthen Piraeus's capital base.

The disclosure highlights concerns that Greek banks have been borrowing money from each other and using it to meet recapitalization requirements, but not making that clear.

"This (the Greek financial system) is a closed circuit, operating as a system of power with no transparency and effective supervision," said Louka Katseli, professor of economics at the University of Athens and former Greek minister of economy. "Through triangle deals between banks, businessmen and other banks, capitalization requirements were fulfilled without new money injected."

Piraeus Bank and Sallas declined to answer specific questions for this story, but offered an interview later this month. On Sunday Sallas issued a statement to the Greek media attacking Reuters and accusing the news agency of "slandering" and "undermining" the bank.

"It is not the first time that I or Piraeus Bank have been the target of attacks," the statement said. "What should be of concern to all of us in the present situation is the safety and the further strengthening of our banking system."

Reuters Global Editor for Ethics and Standards Alix M. Freedman said: "Our coverage of Piraeus and of the Greek banking system has been accurate and fair to every person and institution involved."

In April, a Reuters investigation found that Piraeus had failed to tell shareholders it had rented expensive properties from a network of private companies run by the Sallas family. The bank has sued Reuters for defamation over the story, claiming 50 million euros in damages.

Reuters has also reported allegations of mismanagement at the Proton Bank and at a Cyprus-based bank formerly known as the Marfin Popular Bank that operates in Greece. Proton's former president and major shareholder, Lavrentis Lavrentiadis, has vigorously denied allegations that he used the bank to loan himself and associates hundreds of millions of euros.

Andreas Vgenopoulos, former chairman of Marfin Popular Bank, now renamed Cyprus Popular Bank, has denied conflicts of interest alleged by a Greek parliamentary inquiry and Cypriot lawmakers.

It was Marfin's largest then Greek subsidiary, the Marfin-Egnatia Bank (MEB), that issued the loans to the Sallas family. According to two audit reports on Marfin, the loans were ranked among its riskiest exposures, judged both by their shortfall in collateral, which is mainly Piraeus shares, and risk of future losses to the bank.

The two audit reports, from January and May this year, were shown to Reuters by separate and unconnected sources. They were authenticated in interviews with banking sources and officials in Greece and Cyprus.

Internal Marfin auditors said executives at MEB had "failed to act in the best interests of the bank" by granting successive loans to Sallas to buy his own bank shares. By 2011 his investment in those shares, the auditors found, had "dire prospects" and had been made through special purpose vehicles and with no personal guarantees.

The auditors wrote: "Worth noting is that loan approval took place at a time when it was all but clear that the outlook for the Greek banking sector and by extension for Piraeus stock was deeply negative." The loans were issued "when our Bank was already in a precarious liquidity situation".

SHARE PURCHASES

According to the records, Sallas first obtained a loan agreement from MEB in May 2009. A facility for up to 150 million euros was signed off by the Marfin group's Vgenopoulos, then executive vice-chairman. A spokesman for Vgenopoulos and Efthymios Bouloutas, the bank's chief executive at the time, declined to comment on the loans due to "banking secrecy legal obligations."

By January last year, according to the first audit report, MEB loans to Sallas companies amounted to 48 million euros. But that month, "another 65 million was used" to purchase shares in Piraeus's 800-million-euro rights issue.

The Sallas family bought their shares via three separate Cyprus-based companies, according to both audit reports. The purchase brought the family's total loans to 113 million euros, secured on collateral estimated to be worth less than 30 million euros, based on Piraeus's recent share price.

The three Cyprus-based companies are Shent Enterprises, which is owned by Sallas and which has 45 million euros in outstanding loans to MEB; Benidver Enterprises, which has 22 million in loans; and KAEO Enterprises, which has 46 million in loans.

Records at Cyprus' corporate registry show that both Benidver and KAEO were owned by Michael Sallas personally until a month before Piraeus's rights issue.

Ownership was switched to two Greek companies linked to the family and in turn owned by a single Cyprus company called Avecmac, whose shareholders are anonymous. But MEB audit documents from 2012 seen by Reuters record Benidver as owned by Sallas' daughter Myrto and KAEO as owned by Sallas' son George.

Avecmac, contacted through its representative in Cyprus, did not respond to requests for comment. Myrto Sallas declined to comment; George Sallas could not be reached.

FAMILY HOLDINGS

Exactly how many shares Sallas and his family bought in Piraeus last January, and in whose name they were registered, is not clear.

Some indication comes from the number of Piraeus shares pledged by the Sallas companies as collateral for the loans. Those rose by 62 million after the rights issue, bringing the total number of Piraeus shares pledged as collateral to more than 66 million, or around 6 percent of ordinary stock in the bank.

In filings to the stock exchange and in other declarations, Sallas has said he owns around 16 million shares in his name, as well as a total of around 16 million purchased through Shent Enterprises. He has declared no share purchases by his children.

Under Greek and European law, any holding in a public company of more than 5 per cent should be announced publicly. Greek law also requires all company executives "and persons closely associated with them" to make all share transactions public.

Marfin's auditors, according to their report, regard loans to Sallas and his family as "connected."

But Kostas Botopoulos, chairman of Greece's Capital Market Commission, which regulates the country's public companies, said the decision of who to define as a "person closely associated" was "considered on an ad hoc basis." There is no specific ruling on whether a spouse or children would fall in that category, he said.

Piraeus Bank released a statement saying the bank would not answer the detailed questions sent to Sallas and the bank due to "civil and criminal cases" between Piraeus and Reuters, and between the bank and a former Piraeus employee "charged with serious crimes." Piraeus has previously said the former employee had defamed the bank.

"The Bank will refute the allegations in court," the statement said. "To do otherwise would clearly be in contempt of the proceedings. In the interest of transparency, to defend its reputation and reassure its shareholders, the Bank has provided the Bank of Greece with all the relevant information."

CAPITAL BASE

The loans to investors in the Piraeus rights issue highlight a bigger concern in the Greek banking sector. Piraeus issued more shares last year to strengthen its capital base, enabling it to score higher in European bank stress tests.

The successful issue, Sallas said at the time, showed "a sign of confidence in Piraeus Bank, the Greek banking system and of course the prospects of the Greek economy."

But Sallas did not make public the loans he and other shareholders had taken out to help make the rights issue a success.

In all, according to loans disclosed so far, nearly one-fifth of the new capital in Piraeus was raised with financing from other Greek banks - including another 20 million euros or so loaned by MEB to investors, and 70 million euros loaned by the Proton Bank. The Proton loans went through offshore companies in tax havens such as the Cayman Islands.

Proton has since been nationalized after Greece's money-laundering authority alleged fraud and embezzlement in cases unrelated to Piraeus or MEB.

According to several European banking and accounting experts, if banks loan money to finance major stakes in other banks, then the industry's regulator, in this case the Bank of Greece, should deduct the same amount from the capital the lending bank claims to hold.

Dr Peter Hahn, a fellow at London's Cass Business School and an adviser to the UK Financial Services Authority, said that a loan scheme whose only means of repayment was shares in another bank should, under international rules, be treated as if the lending bank was directly purchasing shares in the other bank. "The equity in the lending bank would otherwise be supporting risk of loss in both banks," he said.

Hans-Peter Burghof, a professor of banking and finance at the University of Hohenheim, Germany, said that billions of euros had been given to the Greek banking system without adequate supervision of the sector. "It's our money and it has been given without controls. It's a disaster," he said.

If banks lent to finance each other's shares, he said, then "this way you can produce as much equity as you like and make banks as big as you like. It is not real equity." He likened it to "a kind of Ponzi scheme."

Burghof said that, whether deemed to be covered by regulations or not, if bank equity was raised in this way, the banks and companies involved should be treated as a consolidated whole. "If the regulator finds out (about loans from one bank to finance share purchases in another), he should discount this equity," he said.

The European Banking Authority, which is meant to safeguard the stability of the financial system and transparency of markets, generally agreed with that analysis, though a spokeswoman said there may be exceptions in the case, say, of a "financial assistance operation".

There is no indication in their financial statements that either Proton or Marfin made deductions in their capital levels after their loans for Piraeus shares.

In a statement the Bank of Greece said it does not ordinarily require capital deductions from banks that lend money for the purchase of shares in other unconnected banks.

"European Union law does not prohibit granting loans to an entity (person or organization) in order to participate in a share capital increase of another credit institution," the bank said. Such a deduction from regulatory capital would only take place if a bank granted loans to buy its own shares, it said.

It added that the disclosure of major stakes (over 5%) in a public company was "indeed a requirement on the stakeholder". But this was policed by the Capital Market Commission, not the Bank of Greece.

The CMC said that shareholders, in calculating whether they hold 5% or more, should aggregate holdings if they have an agreement to act together.

http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/07/16/us-greece-banks-idUSBRE86F0CL20120716

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Re:Exministros Griegos y el Blanqueo de 10.200 millones de Euros
« Respuesta #5 en: Octubre 28, 2012, 13:02:13 pm »
Destapan una lista con casi 2.000 presuntos defraudadores griegos con cuentas en Suiza


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La identidad de casi 2.000 presuntos defraudadores de Hacienda griegos con cuentas en Suiza ha quedado al descubierto este sábado tras ser filtrada la conocida como 'Lista Lagarde' a los medios griegos. Entre los afectados se encuentran varios hombres fuertes del gobernante Nueva Democracia y próximos al primer ministro, Antonis Samaras.

   La actual directora general del Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI), Christine Lagarde, entregó en 2010 al otrora ministro de Finanzas griego, Giorgos Papakonstantinou, una lista con 1.991 ciudadanos helenos con cuentas bancarias abiertas en Suiza en la entidad HSBC. La cuantía total de los fondos depositados en dicho banco podrían rebasar los 1.500 millones de euros.

   Entre los presuntos defraudadores del fisco, están el asesor del primer ministro griego Stavros Papastavros y el exministro y prominente miembro de Nueva Democracia, Georgios Voulgarakis, así como otros altos cargos del Ministerio de Finanzas griego, grandes empresarios, periodistas, médicos, abogados, funcionarios, entre otros.

   Hasta el momento, solo se ha pronunciado Voulgarakis, quien ha tachado la publicación de la revista 'Hot Doc' de "desinformación" y "difamatoria". A través de la red social Twitter, el exministro griego ha asegurado que "ni su mujer ni él han sacado empresas o cuentas bancarias del país".

MOMENTO DELICADO

   El Gobierno heleno ha tratado de ocultar la existencia de dicha lista por la potencial ola de indignación que podría causar en el país por el hecho de que los más pudientes estén esquivando la severa doctrina fiscal impuesta por Atenas en el grave contexto de crisis que sufre Grecia.

   La revista 'Hot Doc' ha publicado este sábado la lista completa y, acto seguido, lo ha hecho también el portal de noticias heleno Zougla. La revista griega, sin embargo, ha aclarado que desconoce si la lista publicada ha sido objeto de censura previa o ha sido editada con anterioridad.

   La aparición de la 'Lista Lagarde' se produce en un momento especialmente sensible para la coalición de Gobierno que lidera Nueva Democracia, que ultima el enésimo paquete de recortes, de unos 13.500 millones de euros.

   La Administración griega ha alertado que, si no consigue aprobar el nuevo ajuste requerido por la 'troika' --el FMI, el Banco Central Europeo y la Comisión Europea-- y el consiguiente desbloqueo del siguiente tramo del segundo rescate financiero, estimado en unos 35 millones de euros, podría verse abocada a la suspensión de pagos y, por ende, a la salida de Grecia del euro.

ORDEN DE ARRESTO

   La Policía griega ha emitido este sábado una orden de arresto contra el director de la revista 'Hot Doc', Costas Vaxevanis, por revelar la identidad de casi 2.000 presuntos defraudadores de Hacienda griegos con cuentas en Suiza.  :'(

  Las autoridades helenas le acusan de violar las leyes de protección de datos, según informa Reuters. "La Fiscalía ha emitido una orden de arresto contra Vaxevanis porque ha publicado una lista de nombres sin un permiso especial y ha violado la ley de datos personales", ha argüido un portavoz policial.

   "No hay prueba alguna de que las personas o las compañías incluidas en dicha lista hayan violado la ley (...) de evasión fiscal o de lavado de dinero", ha apostillado el portavoz de la Policía.

   El origen de dicha filtración se remonta a 2007, cuando el empleado francés del HSBC Herve Falciani robó una enorme cantidad de datos de presuntos defraudadores que, posteriormente, entregó a las autoridades francesas.

   Lagarde, entonces ministra de Finanzas gala, entregó un CD con una lista supuestamente más amplia que la difundida por 'Hot Doc' a su entonces homólogo griego Papaconstantinou, quien, de acuerdo con los medios helenos, perdió perdido el CD.

http://www.europapress.es/internacional/noticia-ampl-grecia-destapan-lista-casi-2000-presuntos-defraudadores-griegos-cuentas-suiza-20121028030031.html

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Re:Exministros Griegos y el Blanqueo de 10.200 millones de Euros
« Respuesta #6 en: Enero 08, 2013, 21:07:00 pm »
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Grecia investiga 6 mil cuentas bancarias por evasión fiscal y blanqueo

También se buscan indicios de "corrupción y enriquecimiento ilegal": comunicado.


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Publicado: 08/01/2013 13:33

La brigada griega contra el crimen financiero (Sdoe) puso en marcha este martes la inspección de 6 mil cuentas bancarias en el marco de la lucha contra la evasión fiscal y la corrupción en el país, indicó el organismo.

El control de las cuentas no sólo persigue la evasión fiscal sino que también busca indicios de "corrupción, enriquecimiento ilegal y blanqueo de dinero", según un comunicado de la Sdoe.

"Se trata de 9 mil 620 casos en total, relacionados con evasión fiscal, gastos injustificados en los ayuntamientos, conflictos sobre declaraciones de impuestos y transferencias de capital al extranjero", añade comunicado.

Este anuncio llega en pleno escándalo en Grecia por el caso de la llamada "Lista Lagarde", en el que el exministro de Finanzas socialista Georges Papaconstantinou es sospechoso de haber borrado los nombres de tres de sus allegados de una lista con personas que tienen cuentas en Suiza.

El partido socialista Pasok, que expulsó a Papaconstantinou cuando se reveló el caso en diciembre, está considerado como el responsable de parte de los problemas de Grecia por no haber luchado contra el fraude fiscal cuando estaba en el poder, entre 2009 y 2011.


http://www.jornada.unam.mx/ultimas/2013/01/08/133320759-grecia-investiga-6-mil-cuentas-bancarias-por-evasion-fiscal-y-blanqueo

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Joan Queralt: "Me gustaría conocer la cantidad de empresas españolas de los últimos 25 años relacionadas con el crimen organizado. Nos llevaríamos una sorpresa."

Dimitris Christoulas: “Algún día los jóvenes cogerán las armas y colgarán a los traidores”

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Re:Exministros Griegos y el Blanqueo de 10.200 millones de Euros
« Respuesta #7 en: Enero 11, 2013, 11:44:47 am »
Diputado que pidió a los griegos trabajar gratis,se le olvidó declarar un millón de euros


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Petros Doukas ex ministro de finanzas de Grecia y miembro del partido conservador  sorprendió hace unos días con unas declaraciones en las que pedía a los desempleados griegos que trabajaran gratis y de forma voluntaria.

Petro propone en su pagina web que “los  municipios e incluso el sector privado debería invitar a los desempleados griegos a trabajar sin coste para las empresas que los empleen a ellos “. Explica que la mayoría de las empresas no pueden pagar  y es importante para los desempleados tener algún tipo de acción , que sería bien vista por sus posibles futuros empleadores.

Desde recogiendo aceitunas (miles de toneladas permanecen sin recoger), u otros productos agrícolas, limpiar las playas o las calles, plantar árboles, hacer trabajos técnicos auxiliares, en  tiendas, garajes, empresas, dependiendo de la edad, habilidades..etc.


El trabajo os hará libres
No ha pasado desapercibida para la prensa  su similitud con el “Servicio de Trabajo del Reich” Reichsarbeitsdienst , que para acabar con el alto desempleo “pedía hacer labores agrícolas gratuitas ..ver

Petros Doukas fue viceministro de Finanzas en 1992-1993 y 2004 2007 como responsable  de la Deuda Pública !!

No ha pasado una semana de estas declaraciones cuando el comité parlamentario asignado para investigar los activos de los políticos descubre que el Sr. Doukas no ha declarado en 2010 un millón de euros que si declaró en 2009. La respuesta de tan emérito político ha un periodusta ha sido que ”se le había olvidado declarar un millón de euros” ..


Debe ser que igual que se le olvida que las personas necesitan cobrar algo para comer también se le olvida declarar el millón de euros que según la prensa transfirió a una cuenta de inversión

http://todossomosgriegos.wordpress.com/2013/01/10/diputado-que-pidio-a-los-griegos-trabajar-gratisse-le-olvido-declarar-un-millon-de-euros/

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