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esta Europa no es más que la Europa de las oligarquías nacionales (las de aquí y las de allá) tratando de sacar tajada de todo esto.
Cita de: juancoco en Julio 24, 2015, 14:17:51 pm esta Europa no es más que la Europa de las oligarquías nacionales (las de aquí y las de allá) tratando de sacar tajada de todo esto.Revisa tu esquema. Yo voy a darte mi punto de vista a ver si te sirve de apoyo.Partes de la hipotesis falsa de que Europa te la ha servido "alguien" en bandeja. Por supuesto no das nombres, ni perfiles, ni datos precisos. Todo se queda en una nebulosa oscura y en manos negras, los poderosos, los oligarcas, etc.Sigo preguntando donde está el nivel mínimo para ser considerado "oligarca". ¿Los accionistas de telefónica son casta? Silencio por respuesta ¿Los consejeros/ayudantes de Draghi (que los tiene) son oligarcas?Nadie sabe sus nombres.Y como eso todo.La casta y los oligarcas son el hombre del saco, pero en vez de para meter miedo se usan para ganar votos. Si los alcaldes son casta... ¿que pasa con los alcaldes de Podemos? ¿Esos no son casta? ¿Asumimos que la casta va vinculada a un puesto o a la persona?Entonces... que mierda de casta los alcaldes que se quedan en la oposición, ¿no?Repito: como eso, todo.La casta y los poderosos son el chivo expiatorio perfecto. Nadie sale herido porque nadie sabe quien es o quienes son. Aún así muchos están convencidos de que sus problemas son culpa de éste fantasma llamado la oligarquía. Curiosamente cuando las cosas van bien (España año 2002) era por mera superación personal individual, no gracias a a la oligarquía. En fin.El proyecto europeo existe gracias a millones de personas como yo que ni soy casta, ni oligarquía, ni enemigo del "pueblo"; que hemos pensado que ante la globalización irreversible mucho mejor juntos que separados. Hemos pensado que nuestra forma de vida "típica europea" es defendible frente al islamismo y la tribu nazionalista (hola catalanistas).Y hemos decidido montar este chiringuito llamado Europa, €uro, etc.¿Quienes somos?Desde los Erasmus hasta los que viejan por placer, pasando por los descendientes de emigrantes, y los que tienen familia trabajando en Europa.No es que la casta venga a imponernos Europa.Es que Europa ya existía como concepto desde el emperador Tito Sigo sin entender a que viene montar el espantajo de que Europa es algo impostado cuando el imperio de Alejandro Magno era el doble de grande y nadie lo cuestiona históricamente.No es que Europa sea un fenómeno arrollador, joder, es que el nivel de los nazionalistas antieuropeístas es muy, MUY bajo. Defendiendo cosas tan básicas y tan simples para niños de 4 años como que hay que proteger al que presta (acreedor) frente al que debe (deudor), los europeístas han ganado una batalla de magnitudes históricas: La primera absorción "federal" con dilución de la soberanía nacional incluída. Y todavía los hay que pensaban que Varoufakis y Tsipras iban a volver al dracma!!! Es que es todo tan surrealista, con una forma de ver el mundo tan infantail y fantasiosa que da vergüenza ajena. Ojo!!! y los griegos según las encuestas, están encantados de haberse quedao en Europa.Es decir: ¿A quien defendían los que preferían salirse de Europa?Da que pensar...Algunos se han instalado en la utopía y la pretenden hacer pasar por verdad suprema.Pero es no aguanta el mínimo análisis racional.Yo no digo que otra Europa no sea posible, eso depende de los europeos.Digo que la que nos ofrecen los altermundistas es un cuento llena de promesas falsas y magia buenista.ISIS y el Estado islámico están a las puertas.No me parece el mejor momento Un abrazo, feliz verano.
Si quiere yo le digo quien es la Casta de mi pequeña ciudad
LONDON – The eurozone has a German problem. Germany’s beggar-thy-neighbor policies and the broader crisis response that the country has led have proved disastrous. Seven years after the start of the crisis, the eurozone economy is faring worse than Europe did during the Great Depression of the 1930s. The German government’s efforts to crush Greece and force it to abandon the single currency have destabilized the monetary union. As long as German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s administration continues to abuse its dominant position as creditor-in-chief to advance its narrow interests, the eurozone cannot thrive – and may not survive.Germany’s immense current-account surplus – the excess savings generated by suppressing wages to subsidize exports – has been both a cause of the eurozone crisis and an obstacle to resolving it. Before the crisis, it fueled German banks’ bad lending to southern Europe and Ireland. Now that Germany’s annual surplus – which has grown to €233 billion ($255 billion), approaching 8% of GDP – is no longer being recycled in southern Europe, the country’s depressed domestic demand is exporting deflation, deepening the eurozone’s debt woes.Germany’s external surplus clearly falls afoul of eurozone rules on dangerous imbalances. But, by leaning on the European Commission, Merkel’s government has obtained a free pass. This makes a mockery of its claim to champion the eurozone as a rules-based club. In fact, Germany breaks rules with impunity, changes them to suit its needs, or even invents them at will.Indeed, even as it pushes others to reform, Germany has ignored the Commission’s recommendations. As a condition of the new eurozone loan program, Germany is forcing Greece to raise its pension age – while it lowers its own. It is insisting that Greek shops open on Sundays, even though German ones do not. Corporatism, it seems, is to be stamped out elsewhere, but protected at home.Beyond refusing to adjust its economy, Germany has pushed the costs of the crisis onto others. In order to rescue the country’s banks from their bad lending decisions, Merkel breached the Maastricht Treaty’s “no-bailout” rule, which bans member governments from financing their peers, and forced European taxpayers to lend to an insolvent Greece. Likewise, loans by eurozone governments to Ireland, Portugal, and Spain primarily bailed out insolvent local banks – and thus their German creditors.To make matters worse, in exchange for these loans, Merkel obtained much greater control over all eurozone governments’ budgets through a demand-sapping, democracy-constraining fiscal straitjacket: tougher eurozone rules and a fiscal compact.Germany’s clout has resulted in a eurozone banking union that is full of holes and applied asymmetrically. The country’s Sparkassen – savings banks with a collective balance sheet of some €1 trillion ($1.1 trillion) – are outside the European Central Bank’s supervisory control, while thinly capitalized mega-banks, such as Deutsche Bank, and the country’s rotten state-owned regional lenders have obtained an implausibly clean bill of health.The one rule of the eurozone that is meant to be sacrosanct is the irrevocability of membership. There is no treaty provision for an exit, because the monetary union is conceived as a step toward a political union – and it would otherwise degenerate into a dangerously rigid and unstable fixed-exchange-rate regime. Germany has not only trampled on this rule; its finance minister, Wolfgang Schäuble, recently invented a new one – that debt relief is forbidden in the eurozone – to justify his outrageous behavior toward Greece.As a result, Greece’s membership in the eurozone – and by extension that of all other members – is now contingent on submission to the German government. It is as if the United States unilaterally decided that NATO’s principle of collective defense was now conditional on doing whatever the American government dictated.The eurozone desperately needs mainstream alternatives to this lopsided “Berlin Consensus,” in which creditors’ interests come first and Germany dominates everyone else. Merkelism is causing economic stagnation, political polarization, and nasty nationalism. France, Italy, and Europeans of all political stripes need to stand up for other visions of what the eurozone should be.One option would be greater federalism. Common political institutions, accountable to voters across the eurozone, would provide a democratic fiscal counterpart to the ECB and help cage German power. But increasing animosity among eurozone member states, and the erosion of support for European integration in both creditor and debtor countries, means greater federalism is politically unfeasible – and potentially even dangerous.A better option would be to move toward a more flexible eurozone, in which elected national representatives have a greater say. With the no-bailout rule restored, governments would have more space to pursue countercyclical policies and respond to voters’ changing priorities.To make such a system credible, a mechanism for restructuring the debt of insolvent governments would be created. This, together with reform of the rules covering the capitalization of banks – which incorrectly treat all sovereign debt as risk-free and do not cap banks’ holdings of it – would enable markets, not Germany, to rein in truly excessive borrowing. Ideally, the ECB would also be given a mandate to act as a lender of last resort for illiquid but solvent governments. Such changes could garner broad support – and would serve Germany’s own interests.The eurozone’s members are trapped in a miserable marriage, dominated by Germany. But fear is not enough to hold a relationship together forever. Unless Merkel comes to her senses, she will eventually destroy it.
As I stood in the middle of the squalid Kara Tepe transit camp on Lesbos, I was struck by the utter perverseness of the refugee drama unfolding on this Greek island.I was supporting a flash-mob of local volunteers and tourists – supported by local officials – to clean the camp, which is now a temporary home for 3,000 refugees. Litter was everywhere – and posing a health risk. The selflessness and dedication of the local volunteers, who have been responding to the crisis virtually unaided for several years, is awe-inspiring.As I picked up the trash under a searing sun, four questions came to my mind, the answers to which should make us all uncomfortable.First, why is the crisis repeatedly referred to by the media and by officials in European capitals as a “migrant” crisis? Here, in Greece, nothing could be further from the truth.According to the most recent figures from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, of the more than 77,000 arrivals in Greece since the beginning of the year, 85% are refugees.More than 60% of these are fleeing the conflict in Syria, with others escaping continued violence in Afghanistan. Likewise, the majority of people arriving nearby in Italy are fleeing armed conflict in Somalia or conscription in Eritrea.Even among those who are not refugees, many arriving on Europe’s shores are vulnerable for other reasons. Some are unaccompanied children, or victims of sexual trafficking, or have been tortured and traumatised as they made their way across the Sahara to Africa’s Mediterranean coast before eventually reaching Europe. Refugees and other vulnerable people deserve the protection and assistance to which they are entitled under international law.Second, this crisis was not unexpected. For some time, the International Rescue Committee (IRC) and others have warned that countries neighbouring conflict areas are reaching their maximum capacity to absorb any more refugees.Without legal alternative routes for refugees to enter other European countries, people fleeing conflicts in the Middle East, Africa and elsewhere have taken matters into their own hands, risking their lives – often on flimsy rubber dinghies across dangerous stretches of the Aegean and Mediterranean – to seek the sanctuary of Europe.With more people displaced by conflict globally than ever before– 59.5 million – Europe has to recognise that this problem is not going away, and that it needs to respond meaningfully to provide help.Third, why has much of the world looked away from the crisis in the Mediterranean? The IRC is built to respond to emergencies in some of the poorest and most conflict-ridden countries. That we have had to deploy an emergency response team to Europe to make sure refugees receive clean water and have access to toilets, rather than defecate in the open, is a sad commentary on the state of affairs in the region.For far, far too long, local Greek officials and volunteers have had to shoulder this burden, and at a time when they have had to endure paralysing austerity measures and the most recent financial crisis. Despite these hardships, the compassion and generosity of local groups has put the international community to shame. And, the refugee crisis in Greece is only likely to get worse.Local officials and aid experts estimate that 200,000 refugees will come to Greece this year. This will undoubtedly overwhelm the primarily local-led relief efforts.Europe also needs to provide more support to Greece so that it can provide a humane and dignified reception for refugees. When they arrive on Lesbos, refugees are not provided with medical check-ups or other assistance, aside from that provided by community volunteers. Until very recently, refugees often walked 40 miles, often in 32C (90F) heat, from the northern coast where they landed to the Kara Tepe transit camp. This is simply cruel.Fourth, why have European members states continued the ongoing asylum charade, forcing refugees to further risk their lives by requiring them to furtively travel to their desired asylum destinations?Europe’s asylum policies mean that a refugee has to apply for asylum in the country where he or she first arrives, which for those coming from Libya and Turkey almost always means Italy or Greece. Desperate to rejoin family members in other European countries or to live where there are real job prospects, many people avoid registration and continue their journeys illegally.Would it not be more humane to allow these vulnerable groups to seek asylum at European embassies in Athens, or better yet, in European embassies in their home regions? Or at the very least ensure safe passage to their desired onward destinations – often to be reunited with waiting family members?As it stands, refugees who reach Greece are then forced to travel through Macedonia, Serbia and Hungary to other destinations in Europe, a route making them vulnerable to human traffickers, gangs and corrupt officials.Ultimately, at what point do we all conclude that these people have already suffered enough and deserve to be aided in their flight to safety? At the International Rescue Committee, we have already made this decision.
Alemania se muestra gratamente sorprendida de esa disposición francesa. “Me encantó escuchar a Hollande que Francia está lista ahora [para una revisión de los Tratados]”, ha dicho el ministro alemán de Finanzas, Wolfgang Schäuble, a Der Spiegel. Todo un síntoma de que el proceso empieza con buenas vibraciones franco-alemanas. El otoño será clave para saber si ese embrión implantado en París concluye en el alumbramiento de una nueva zona euro.
No habia otra salida.Francia comienza a asumir su papel.About time. No les sera facil, pero es indiscutible que el liderazgo politico debe ser frances, asi como el economico ya es aleman.Alemania habia ejercido su papel hasta hoy, y necesitaba que francia asumiera el suyo. No sera facil, pero es un cambio puntal.La iniciativa de cambios de tratados e integracion politica mo podia provenir de alemania.Bravo.Despacio pero vamos en buena direccion.Yo tambien estoy mas contento, aunque la esperanza y vision de la meta nunca la perdi.El mayor escollo ahora sera la MN francesa, el corte de pelo que les espera es bastante doloroso.Y los britanicos, que agachen la cabeza o se vayan a Argentina.Sds.
Buenas Republik.Por lo que veo consideras a los inspectores de hacienda como un sector lleno de privilegios.