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El valor reside en la historia oral.
Absurdo.Para decir que los testigos de Jehová se equivocaron al predecir el fin del mundo, no es necesario que uno mismo prediga la fecha del Apocalipsis.
Britain to set out next stage of COVID-19 economic support in March - SunakBritain will set out plans for the next package of COVID-19 economic support at the time of its March budget, finance minister Rishi Sunak said on Tuesday in response to suggestions businesses faced a “cliff edge” when current measures ended.“I think the budget in early March is an excellent opportunity to take stock of the range of support that we’ve put in place, and to set out the next stage of our economic response to coronavirus at that particular time,” he told reporters.
UK offers extra £4.6 billion to firms to soften new COVID-19 recessionBritain offered a 4.6 billion pound support package for businesses on Tuesday to soften an expected recession caused by a surge in COVID-19 cases that has prompted a third national lockdown.(...)Britain’s economy now looks likely to tip back into recession - shrinking in the final quarter of 2020 and the first quarter of 2021 - after suffering a record 25% fall in output in the first two months of lockdown in 2020.The new downturn is expected to be far smaller, with most businesses now much better adapted to working remotely and construction sites and factories expected to stay open.But economists at J.P. Morgan still predicted a hefty 2.5% fall in output for the first three months of 2021.Finance minister Rishi Sunak has previously announced emergency help for the economy worth 280 billion pounds, including a massive job protection scheme that will run until the end of April.Under Tuesday’s additional measures, retail, hospitality and leisure companies will be able to claim one-off grants worth up to 9,000 pounds to get them through the coming months, costing up to 4 billion pounds in total, along with 600 million pounds of grants for other businesses.“This will help businesses to get through the months ahead – and crucially it will help sustain jobs, so workers can be ready to return when they are able to reopen,” Sunak said.Government forecasters in November predicted almost 400 billion pounds of borrowing this financial year, equivalent to 19% of GDP - a peacetime record but one that, at least for now, can be financed at record-low interest rates.The Bank of England is buying government debt and in November ramped up its asset purchase programme to almost 900 billion pounds with the intention of using it throughout 2021.However, the British Chambers of Commerce said Sunak’s “drip-feed approach” to support for businesses would see many go to the wall as they would not qualify for sufficient assistance.“While this immediate cashflow support for business is welcome, it is not going to be enough to save many firms,” BCC director general Adam Marshall said.Britain suffered the most severe contraction of any Group of Seven economy in the second quarter of 2020 and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development has estimated Britain’s recovery by the end of this year will be the slowest of all its member countries except Argentina.
Sirou, si es que el problema (o uno de ellos) es que para comparar y enfrentar ideas, hay que ponerlas. Todavía estoy esperando a que la genta ponga sus ideas opuestas a las de Asustadísimos, junto a una previsión de fechas.
El paro sube en 724.532 personas en 2020, su mayor repunte desde 2009El 2020 ha sido un año nefasto también para el mercado laboral español. Este ejercicio, marcado por la pandemia del Covid-19 desde el pasado marzo, cerró con 724.532 desempleados más y con 360.105 empleados menos, además de 755.613 personas en ERTE.
Cita de: Maloserá en Enero 05, 2021, 09:33:59 amEstaba buscando algún artículo sobre el sistema monetario sueco del siglo XVIII creo, basado en monedas exclusivamente de cobre. Hacían falta vagones de tren para mover cantidades de dinero importantes. Y me encontré esta otra curiosidad.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rai_stonesA large (approximately 8 feet in height) example of Yapese stone money (Rai) in the village of GachparThe Micronesian island of Yap is known for its stone money, known as Rai (Yapese: raay[1]), or Fei: large doughnut-shaped, carved disks of (usually) calcite, up to 4 m (13 ft) in diameter (most are much smaller)...The monetary system of Yap relies on an oral history of ownership. In the case of stones that are too large to move, buying an item with one simply involves agreeing that the ownership has changed. As long as the transaction is recorded in the oral history, it will now be owned by the person to whom it is passed and no physical movement of the stone is required....The extrinsic (perceived) value of a specific stone is based on not only its size and craftsmanship, but also its history. If many people—or no one at all—died when the specific stone was transported, or a famous sailor brought it in, the value of the rai stone increases by reason of its anecdotal heft.[citation needed]Rai stones were, and still are,[7] used in rare important social transactions, such as marriage, inheritance, political deals, sign of an alliance, ransom of the battle dead, or, rarely, in exchange for food. Many of them are placed in front of meetinghouses or along pathways. The physical location of the stone is often not significant. Although the ownership of a particular stone might change, the stone itself is rarely moved due to its weight and risk of damage. The names of previous owners are passed down to the new one. In one instance, a large rai being transported by canoe and outrigger was accidentally dropped and sank to the sea floor. Although it was never seen again, everyone agreed that the rai must still be there, so it continued to be transacted as genuine currency.[7] What is important is that ownership of the rai is clear to everyone, not that the rai is physically transferred or even physically accessible to either party in the transfer. In this manner, the use of rai stones as a monetary system can be thought as an early example of a distributed ledger, similar to those used in modern blockchain technology.[8]...In 1871, the Irish-American David Dean O'Keefe was shipwrecked near Yap and was helped by the natives. Later, he assisted the Yapese in acquiring rai and in return received copra and trepang, which were valuable exports in the Far East.[11] O'Keefe provided the Yapese with iron tools. As a result, a form of inflation set in and rai stones acquired with his help were less valuable than more ancient ones. ...Economist Milton Friedman has compared the monetary role of the stone money to the reserves of gold held in Fort Knox for foreign governments.[14]Although modern currency has replaced the stones as everyday currency, the rai stones are still exchanged in traditional ways between the Yapese. They are a national symbol and are depicted on local license plates.'Luego básicamente, las piedras son un recordatorio de "cuánto me debe el mundo". O más bien la historia oral ligada a la piedra.En realidad todavía es más abstracto que el fiat. El valor reside en la historia oral.
Estaba buscando algún artículo sobre el sistema monetario sueco del siglo XVIII creo, basado en monedas exclusivamente de cobre. Hacían falta vagones de tren para mover cantidades de dinero importantes. Y me encontré esta otra curiosidad.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rai_stonesA large (approximately 8 feet in height) example of Yapese stone money (Rai) in the village of GachparThe Micronesian island of Yap is known for its stone money, known as Rai (Yapese: raay[1]), or Fei: large doughnut-shaped, carved disks of (usually) calcite, up to 4 m (13 ft) in diameter (most are much smaller)...The monetary system of Yap relies on an oral history of ownership. In the case of stones that are too large to move, buying an item with one simply involves agreeing that the ownership has changed. As long as the transaction is recorded in the oral history, it will now be owned by the person to whom it is passed and no physical movement of the stone is required....The extrinsic (perceived) value of a specific stone is based on not only its size and craftsmanship, but also its history. If many people—or no one at all—died when the specific stone was transported, or a famous sailor brought it in, the value of the rai stone increases by reason of its anecdotal heft.[citation needed]Rai stones were, and still are,[7] used in rare important social transactions, such as marriage, inheritance, political deals, sign of an alliance, ransom of the battle dead, or, rarely, in exchange for food. Many of them are placed in front of meetinghouses or along pathways. The physical location of the stone is often not significant. Although the ownership of a particular stone might change, the stone itself is rarely moved due to its weight and risk of damage. The names of previous owners are passed down to the new one. In one instance, a large rai being transported by canoe and outrigger was accidentally dropped and sank to the sea floor. Although it was never seen again, everyone agreed that the rai must still be there, so it continued to be transacted as genuine currency.[7] What is important is that ownership of the rai is clear to everyone, not that the rai is physically transferred or even physically accessible to either party in the transfer. In this manner, the use of rai stones as a monetary system can be thought as an early example of a distributed ledger, similar to those used in modern blockchain technology.[8]...In 1871, the Irish-American David Dean O'Keefe was shipwrecked near Yap and was helped by the natives. Later, he assisted the Yapese in acquiring rai and in return received copra and trepang, which were valuable exports in the Far East.[11] O'Keefe provided the Yapese with iron tools. As a result, a form of inflation set in and rai stones acquired with his help were less valuable than more ancient ones. ...Economist Milton Friedman has compared the monetary role of the stone money to the reserves of gold held in Fort Knox for foreign governments.[14]Although modern currency has replaced the stones as everyday currency, the rai stones are still exchanged in traditional ways between the Yapese. They are a national symbol and are depicted on local license plates.'
...Cada vez me gusta más el sistema. ...
Cita de: Saturio en Enero 05, 2021, 12:47:22 pm...Cada vez me gusta más el sistema. ...Este párrafo es fascinante. Saben que nunca podrán recuperar una moneda de piedra caída en el mar. Pero siguen usándola.'...In one instance, a large rai being transported by canoe and outrigger was accidentally dropped and sank to the sea floor. Although it was never seen again, everyone agreed that the rai must still be there, so it continued to be transacted as genuine currency....'
...Hay un factor que merece especial atención y que también apunta a una monumental inflación de origen no solo monetario pero sin duda posibilitada por este factor: Se trata del prodigioso salto del Gasto Público nominal de los últimos 40 años. Recordemos que el primer Billón de Pesetas (6,000 millones de Euros) fue, si no recuerdo mal, en 1979 u 80.No tengo a mano los datos finales de 2020 pero estimando un PIB final de 1,1 Billones de € y un 53.7% de Gasto Público (Dato BBVA, Noviembre) estaríamos con un Gasto Público casi 100 veces superior al de 1980.
How to Fix the Housing Bias That Warps Investment DecisionsOverinvestment in property is incentivized by subsidies and favorable treatments in the tax system that governments could withdrawOverinvestment in real estate is a problem for the economy. A growing body of research suggests that it saps future output by sucking capital away from more productive uses. And housing is a particular culprit.There are a number of possible ways to solve the problem—none of them easy.Homeownership bias, meaning the incentive to invest in property rather than other assets, exists in the most of advanced economies. This means less money is invested in things that boost productivity like machinery and new technologies.When thinking about how housing is taxed, it’s useful to think of ownership and actual use—as in living there—as separate economic categories. Owning a property is the investment side of the equation, but living there is a form of consumption.If a homeowner rents out their property, that income is taxed. But when they live in it, essentially renting it to themselves, it isn’t. And that is the major advantage to homeownership over other forms of asset ownership: Imputed rents aren’t usually taxed.Combined with other tax incentives, the effective subsidy can be huge. A 2017 paper estimated that excess consumption of housing services in the euro area—the amount spent on housing, relative to what would likely be the case if it wasn’t encouraged by favorable taxation—is equal to 30% of homeowners’ holdings of financial assets across the entire bloc. So finding a way to tax imputed rent, even if it means reaching a very conservative estimate of rental values, could reduce the disparity in treatment between asset classes.There’s another side to the equation. If an investor wants to buy stocks, they can’t easily borrow many times their income at fixed interest rates to do so. Housing is a different story: In the U.S. the mortgage interest deduction reduces tax bills for borrowers, encouraging even more property investment.There’s some good news on that front. Tax changes in 2017 reduced the total subsidy of that deduction by more than half. It now reaches fewer wealthy homeowners and could be reduced further.That is all very well for relatively open markets like the U.S. The challenge in China is far greater. Restricted by capital controls from easily investing abroad, Chinese households have very few good options for parking their savings. Opaque wealth-management products or the often casino-like stock market aren’t real alternatives to property for most people. And many believe the government will always act strongly if property prices really start to fall.Property income forms a large portion of middle-class wealth in Chinese cities like Beijing.Governments need to tread very carefully, since property income forms a large portion of middle-class wealth. In some countries, China in particular, the allocation toward housing is overwhelming.More adventurous suggestions include a tax on the value of land, to encourage more efficient use and to more reasonably share the uplift in values that owners typically receive through luck alone. But even without such big measures, there are many smaller ways to limit the overinvestment in property currently dragging on productivity.
los participantes en el kula debían viajar en sus canoas algunos cientos de kilómetros en el sentido en que lo imponía el artículo que se había propuesto intercambiar con otros participantes del circuito.Los artículos que se intercambian en el Kula son dos. Unos eran gargantillas de concha que los trobriandeses llamaban veigun o soulava, los mismos que circulaban hacia el norte en el circuito, en la dirección de las manecillas del reloj. Los otros eran pulseras hechas con pequeñas conchas que recibían el nombre de mwali, cuyo sentido de circulación era inverso. Si el intercambio entre dos personas era abierto con un collar soulava, aquel que lo recibía estaba obligado a corresponder con un brazalete mwalli. Las condiciones de la participación en el circuito de intercambio variaban de región en región. Malinowski señalaba que en las islas Trobriand, los jefes monopolizaban el kula, mientras que en Dobu cualquier hombre podría participar.Los objetos que se intercambian en el Kula son piezas sin valor de uso —aunque en algunas ocasiones, señalaba Malinowski, son empleadas como adornos corporales en ciertas celebraciones religiosas de los Trobriandeses—, las mismas que sirven para establecer relaciones sociales y adquirir prestigio social.
¿A qué obedece todo este esfuerzo por obtener unas pocas baratijas de valor sentimental o estético? Como sucede a menudo, los aspectos etic del Kula, son diferentes de los aspectos emic. Las embarcaciones que toman parte en la expedición Kula suelen estar cargadas de artículos comerciales de gran valor práctico en la vida de los diferentes pueblos isleñosque intervienen en el anillo del Kula. Mientras los otros miembros de la expedición truecan artículos de primera necesidad, asociados en el comercio acarician y admiran sus inestimables joyas de familia. En la medida en que todos están de acuerdo en que la expedición no se ocupa en realidad de artículos mundanos de primera necesidad, tales como cocos, harina de sagú, pescado, ñames, cestas, esteras, espadas y palos de madera, glauconita para útiles, conchas de mejillones para cuchillos, enredaderas y lianas para cuerdas, estos artículos se pueden regatear con impunidad. Aunque ningún trobriandés lo admita, o incluso conciba que ésta puede ser la verdad, los vaygu'a son valiosos no por sus cualidades como joyas de familia, sino por el don, realmente inestimable, que supone el comercio que hacen posible (Irwin, 1983:71 y ss.; Scoditti,1983:265). El Kula también se comprende mejor como parte del sistema de lograr y revalidar el rango político en Trobriand e islas adyacentes. Quienes acceden a la posesión de los adornos más valiosos suelen ser líderes extremadamente dotados que además son experimentados navegantes y, en tiempos pasados, audaces guerreros (Campbell, 1983:203). Esto explica el hecho de que el Kula se haya mantenido hasta tiempos recientes a pesar de que el volumen de artículos comerciados se ha reducido mucho.Finalmente, ¿por qué esa circulación en el sentido de las agujas del reloj o en sentido inverso de los adornos? Es algo conforme a la noción de que el Kula es una institución que establece relaciones pacíficas entre islas para facilitar el comercio.Al impedir que los asociados intercambien brazaletes por brazaletes y collares por collares, el Kula asegura la implicación de un gran número de islas en la red comercial. (Sólo son posibles un número limitado de viajes de larga distancia en canoa.)